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By FRANK BONVILLE 




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[Electric Railway Service, Feb. 23, 1917.] 



Brother Evening News, in the following 

few quotations, j 

You lay great labored stress upon the gross profits 
of the Detroit United Railway for 1916. . . . Did the 
News make any similar use of its 1916 profits ? . , . 

What is your honest judgment when scanning the 
milk in your nut — that is, the scores and scores of 
columns ef advertising matter appearing daily — as 
to the value of this advertising to the people com- 
pared to the value they receive daily in the use of 
our street cars? 

Do you suppose the people are so silly as not to 
know their way to the grocery and the butcher shop 
and the dry goods store without contributing to you 
many hundreds of dollars every year to tell them 
the way? 

Were this advertising expense cut out would they 
not be economically just that many hundreds of 
thousands of dollars to the good? 

Is not this advertising business in the main pure 
"bunk"? 

Would you mind telling the common people how 
much you got out of it last year? 

And what you did with the money? 

FEB 10 1921 

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What Hanry Fara 
Is Dalna 



By FRANK BONVILLE 



The price of this book is $1.00 paper bound, cloth bound 
$1.50, leather bound $3.00. Handled strictly by mail order, 
not handled by news dealers. There is no reduction on the 
prices given above under 1,000 copies. We pay postage or 
express to all paits of the world. No rights or concessions 
such as territory are granted to agents. We mention this 
to avoid unnecessary inquiry. None of our representatives 
throughout the country is authorized to collect any amount 
over $25.00 in cash. The balance may be accepted by them 
in the form of drafts or express money orders or postoffice 
money orders. Make out all drafts and postoffice moriey 
orders to Frank Bonville, Seattle, Washington. 
Checks are not accepted. 



THIS BOOK WAS COPYRIGHTED BY 
FRANK BONVILLE IN 1917, 1920, 1921 



Address all communications to 

BUREAU OF INFORMATION, 

: Postoffice Box 432 Seattle, Washington 

i 

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AN EXPLANATION 

The public is entitled to some explanation concerning my reason 
for entitling the book "WHAT HENRY FORD IS DOING" and why 
it was advisable to print the quotations of well-known men and 
women, some of them being from years back. 

The readers are given an opportunity to acquaint themselves with 
the predictions as outlined in many of the quotations, thus enabling 
them to reason out for themselves whether or not they were practi- 
cal. This also applies to various quotations from numerous papers 
and magazines. 

It is my purpose to familiarize the people with the stand taken 
by Mr. Ford before and after the World War, thereby placing them 
in a position to judge as to the soundness of his philosophy. We 
have printed more details and facts regarding Mr. Ford than of any 
other individual and therefore deem it good logic to entitle the book 
as above mentioned. 

I discovered during my investigation, which covered fifty thou- 
sand miles and lasted a period of three and a half years, that Mr. 
Ford was misunderstood by a large percentage of the working class, 
"this being the natural result of misleading propaganda circulated 
over the country through the subsidized press. He was also mis- 
understood by his representatives and stockholders in the company 
at that time, referring to the years of 1916-17, which was easily 
comprehended during the Ford and Dodge trial in Detroit, Michigan, 
which I attended. I found among a percentage of his close business 
associates that many of them were directly opposed to his principles 
and did all in their power to hinder the progress of the great work 
lie has in mind. Whether this was done intentionally or not I am 
not prepared to say. 

It would take a book of several thousand pages to do justice 
to my investigation and the experiences encountered at the Ford 
Plant, the Ford and Dodge trial, and numerous other large gather- 
ings of workers, and to counteract the falsehoods and misrepresenta- 
tions concerning Henry Ford which have been propagated, and also 
concerning the Industrial Workers of the World, of which I became 
aware while engaged in this investigation. 

Therefore, for the time being, let us use to the best advantage 
the facts contained in this book. 

FRANK BONVILLE. 



INTRODUCTION 



Henry Ford is a thinker. He is more than that, — he is a "doer." 
Henry Ford is not only the great manufacturer, with a clear vision 
and high ideals, but, so far as I have been able to learn, he is the 
only American manufacturer who has dared to attempt to practice 
in his business those ethics which a normal conscience dictates as 
just and right. 

With him it is merely a question of simple justice between man 
and man. He holds, I should say, to the doctrine that every man 
is entitled to the full fruits of his honest toil, and to nothing more; 
and as nearly as can be done under the economic system which now 
prevails he follows the logical path of that doctrine; and his vision 
is fixed upon a finer, nobler type of democracy than the world has 
thus far known, a democracy under which the purest essence of 
freedom shall be the birthright of every citizen; a democracy of 
industrial equality as well as political equality. 

Hence the title of this book: "What Henry Ford Is Doing." 

There exists no gulf between men who hold to and honestly 
work for the same ideals. This is a lesson that some of us need 
to learn ere solidarity can become an accomplished fact. I know 
a millionaire who would, I verily believe, give all of his millions 
tomorrow cheerfully, gladly, could he by that means bring about 
industrial democracy. I know a working man whose pantry is as 
bare as "Old Mother Hubbard's," whose hands are as hard as granite 
from weary years of toil, whose back is as crooked as a scythe 
handle from the burdens his shoulders have known, and he loves 
nothing better than to sing the praises of the system which has 
broken him; unions he abhors; strikes are anathema to him. The 
point I would make is this: The cause of the laboring man has 
friends outside as well as inside the ranks of labor. It has enemies 
inside as well as outside of its ranks. The working man who cov- 
ets the larger wages of a more skilled brother worker and who 
would pull him down or betray him simply because his day's wage 
is larger, possesses exactly the same psychology as does the so- 
called capitalist who worships at the shrine of Mammon. And the 
capitalist who steps into the ranks of labor and fights for a better 
order of things is entitled to recognition as a member in good 
standing of the great Brotherhood of Man. 



Pray do not misunderstand what I have said. Labor must look 
to labor for its own salvation; yet let us be broad-minded about 
it, remembering that labor represents all but a very small percentage 
of the population of the world and that therefore it behooves Labor 
in its great awakening to be at once wise and generous, and it is 
neither wisdom nor generosity to disdain the hand that is held out 
in a true spirit of friendship, or to ignore the good work of friends 
who labor for Humanity's cause outside of Labor's immediate ranks. 

Let all friends of true democracy stand side by side and push 
forward undiscouraged, for the light shines just ahead. Let us, 
fully conscious of the justice of our own demands, and having meas- 
ured well the blustering strength of the bully who opposes us, take 
up the gage and wage unremitting war with the weapons of reason 
and enlightenment, steadfast in the knowledge that humanity's day 
is at hand. 

We must not, we will not, permit ourselves to be robbed by 
a handful of capitalists whose minds, distempered by visions of un- 
dreamed power, in their super-cunning would set worker against 
worker with a subsidized press and paid agents whose propaganda 
is carried on under the cloak of "patriotism," "democracy," "Ameri- 
canism," etc., and who seek to damn the cause of Labor by applying 
to its loyal leaders and supporters such epithets as "I. W. W.," 
"Bolshevik," "Communist," etc., — epithets which, emanating f from 
such a source, should perhaps be accepted as titles of honor rather 
than of shame. 

To the friends of Labor everywhere, in whatever class or occu- 
pation they may be found, this book is lovingly dedicated. 

FRANK BONVILLE. 




The Bureau of Information is publishing the letter following, 
written by Mr. Michael Vicari, one of Mr. Ford's secretaries, to 
show the co-operation given Mr. Bonville in his work for humanity: 

"I have had the pleasure of becoming personally acquainted with 
Mr. Frank Bonville, through his continual visits to Mr. Ford's Peace 
Office. My object is to convince the people that the remarks of 
Bonville are genuine. ... I met Bonville August 2, 1916. He was 
admitted to the office, after stating that his business was with Mr. 
Theodore Delavigne, Mr. Ford's Peace Secretary. . . . Bonville 
and myself had a very pleasant chat which lasted about an hour. 
Our main topics were Peace and Preparedness, and it was very 
plainly seen that my visitor was well versed on the subject. . . . 
Mr. Delavigne asked if I could locate Mr. Ford, and in a few min- 
utes I had him at the office. It was at this moment that Mr. 
Bonville and Mr. Ford met. ... I took up the opportunity to show 
Mr. Bonville through the big Tractor Plant. In a little while he 
came back to the office; then Mr. Bonville and Mr. Delavigne mo- 
tored to the city. I have had the pleasure of arranging many dates 
for Mr. Delavigne and Mr. Bonville after that. 

"MICHAEL VICARI, Assistant to Theodore Delavigne." 







Freedom of the S 



e oea.3 



\.<^m& 





HENRY FORD 



[From the Detroit Journal, July 11, 1919.] 

Henry Ford's father, at the age of 20, emigrated from Brandon, 
Ireland, and settled on a 40-acre farm on Michigan Avenue, eight 
miles from Detroit. Fifteen years later he married Mary Litegott 
and there were six children, three boys and three girls, of whom 
Henry Ford, born July 30, 1863, was the oldest. 

From the first day Henry Ford started to work on his father's 
farm he became determined to make an effort to make life for the 
farmer easier and more pleasant. Working toward this end he spent 
all his spare time "tinkering" with mechanical devices, establishing 
a repair shop on his father's farm. At 16 he left his father's farm 
and obtained a job as apprentice in the steam engine plant of Flower 
Bros., Detroit. Nine months later he went to work for the Dry 
Dock Engine Co., where he remained for two years, becoming a first- 
class machinist. 

At 19 Ford obtained another job as repair man for John Cheeny, 
state agent for a portable farm engine, being on the road in the 
summer and at his father's home in the winter, where he enlarged 
his machine shop. During the two years he passed in this work 
he developed a small farm steam tractor and made various electrical 
experiments. 

Runs a Sawmill. 

At 21 his father gave him 40 acres in Dearborn and Ford settled 
clown to operating a sawmill in the winters and repairing farm steam 
engines for the Buckeye Harvester Co. during two summers. 

In his 24th year Henry Ford married Clara J. Bryant, built a 
home, cleared his farm, and passed his time farming and building a 
steam road wagon which he never finished. After two years of this 
life he left the farm and went to work with the Detroit Edison Co. 
as night engineer at $45 a month, moving his family to Detroit and 
establishing his machine shop in a small barn on Bagley Avenue — 
a shop about the size of a present-day back-yard garage. 

The Edison Co. then made Ford chief engineer at $125 a month 
and he remained with that organization for seven years, working 
12 hours a day and putting in his evenings at his machine shop 
working on the development of gas engines and the perfection of his 
second motor-driven vehicle, which he brought out in 1898. In that 
year he left the Edison Co. and joined forces with the Detroit Auto- 
mobile Co., organized to produce this car. 

Begirn'ngs of Cadillac Company. 

Henry Ford he'd one-sixth cf the $50,C00 capital stock of this 
concern, with the posit 'on of chief engineer at $100 a month. He 




THE SOLIDARITY OF LABOR 



later left this organization and this resulted in a reorganization 
being effected which changed the name of the company to the 
Cadillac Automobile Co. That was in 1901, and immediately Ford 
purchased a shop at 81 Park Place, where he began the construction 
of his third gasoline-driven road vehicle. It came out in 1902 and 
it was this car that attracted Alex Y. Malcomson. 

Nothing in fiction approaches the amazing story of the Ford 
Motor Co.'s public success. It really began one day late in the win- 
ter of 1904, the year after the company was organized, when a 
roaring, screeching thing of iron and steel leaped and careened 
over the ice of Baltimore Bay at the Flats. 

This specter-like projectile was one of the first Ford stock cars, 
stripped for action on a one-mile race course dug through a foot 
and a half of snow and covered with cinders. At the wheel of this 
snorting speed demon clung a grim-visaged man, wrapped in a 
heavy coat, the collar turned up about his chin and caught with 
-a huge safety pin. It was Henry Ford, then better known as an 
inventor and automobile racer. 

Fame of Car. 

The car was out that day to break a record made at Daytona 
Beach, Florida, a few weeks previous by another Detroit car now 
a leader in its field. And a new record was established which was 
emblazoned in the Ford exhibit at the automobile show of 1904-5 
in Madison Square Garden, New York. 

It was that achievement that brought fame and fortune to the 
F'ord Motor Co., and it was obtained almost at the cost of Henry 
Ford's life, for at the finish of that wild drive the car hit a snow- 
hank, turned a couple of somersaults and catapulted its driver twenty 
or more feet through the air. 

This was but one of many such spectacular features connected 
with the early life of Henry Ford and the Ford Motor Company. 

The Ford Company in its last published annual statement as of 
July 31, 1918, had total assets of $203,149,460, which included $37,- 
117,363 in real estate, $20,335,982 machinery and equipment, $44,- 
522,562 material in process of manufacture, $91,471,851 cash and 
accounts receivable, $67,981 patent rights, $1,231,906 inventories, and 
$1,815,000 investments. 

Against this was checked liabilities of $2,000,000 capital stock, 
$10,653,327 accounts payable, $5,950,564 accrued expenses, $9,902,- 
"841 depreciation reserve, and $175,242,728 surplus. 

9 



[From Mr. Ford's Own Page in the Dearborn Independent.] 

Three years ago the United States declared war on Germany . . . 
'The war was to make the world safe for democracy. . . . There is 
-nothing to be gained in halting our thought at the statement that 
we won the military contest, neither is there anything to be gained 
T>y rehearsing the fact that our military opponents failed of their 
purpose. . . . But who influences governments to act in the first 
place? Whence comes the first insinuation of disruptive policy? In 
answering this question some prefer to lay the blame on the whole 
people. They are perhaps blamable for allowing themselves to be 
inspired to false courses and for permitting their rulers to use their 
strength and wealth for bad ends; but certainly no one will say that 
the people themselves originate war. The very passions which pre- 
pare a people to go out to war are worked into them from above — 
by a prejudiced and browbeaten press, by representations of their 
government which has been worked into a fever of suspicion and 
fear. The people have neither the time nor the inclination to hate 
each other. All this is worked into them, and the source of the 
influence is outside and above them. What is it? 

Whatever the force is that makes war, this much is certain: No 
inquiry has yet been undertaken by the governments to discover and 
determine what it is. What Germans know is this: The hidden 
force was active in the German War Office. What Frenchmen 
know is this: The hidden force was at work in the French Ministry 
of War. What Britishers know is this: The dark influence also had 
access to Whitehall. Perhaps it had less access to the War Depart- 
ment of the United States than of any other country — BUT — it is 
stronger there now than it was at any time before or during 
the war! . . . 

. . . The people are bewildered. They ask themselves: "Who 
is it that decrees that we shall kill each other every little while? 
Who or what is it that forces our government to think of war, and 
build for war, and tax for war, and train for war, and study for 
\^ar, and take registration for war, as if War were the main 
"business of Government?" We may take it for granted that the 
forces which make war are the same forces which in every country 
are holding back every movement which would make for the uncover- 
ing of the deep-seated, hidden promoters of war as a business. . . . 

The point to keep in mind is that, though we won the military 
v contest, the world has not yet quite succeeded in winning a complete 

11 



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victory over the promoters of war and their instruments in politics, 
finance and militarism. 

You cannot defeat those dark forces by war — because war is their 
game. The last war could not defeat them, for the war itself was 
the sign that they had gained their point. Their point was the war. 
Bringing it about was their object. Having it at all was their 
success. War is never a calamity to those who play the nations 
like chessmen, one against the other. 

No. Peace is the defeat of the dark powers. Exposure by 
peaceful methods is their defeat. Prosperity which is shared by the 
producers of prosperity — that helps to defeat them, too. 

The governments have had the opportunity to expose the real 
roots of war, and have not done it. . . . 

These forces fear nothing so much as the light of the naked 
truth. That is why they have such a heavy hand on all the molders 
of public opinion. 

The truth, not war, is the only thing they fear. They turn war 
to their advantage; they cannot turn the truth; it condemns them. 

Every true man ought to go back to our moral purpose in the 
war, namely: to destroy war. War can be destroyed by the truth 
about its sources. 



From a Letter of Frank P. Walsh 

of New York City, ex-Chairman of the Industrial Relations Commis- 
sion, dated August 11, 1919: 

"Your plan, Mr. Bonville, for disseminating cogent and striking 
expressions from all sources is a splendid one and, to my mind, capable 
of very extended and useful development." 



A Letter From James A. Duncan, 

Secretary of the Central Labor Council, which represents about 70,000 
union men of Seattle and vicinity: 

"Mr. Frank Bonville: Please be advised that in response to your 
letter of September 8th, the Central Labor Council of Seattle and 
Vicinity has concurred in your request for its moral support by 
endorsing your campaign for a six-hour day. With best wishes for 
success, I am "JAMES A. DUNCAN." 

"September 22, 1919." 

13 



[Mr. Ford's Own Page in the Dearborn Independent, August 2, 1919.J 

... We ought not to forget that wars are a manufactured evil 
and are made according to a definite technique. A campaign for war 
is made upon as definite lines as a campaign for any other purpose* 
First, the people are worked upon. By clever tales that would be 
worthier the dime novel than the journals of civilization, the people's 
suspicions are aroused toward the nation against which war is 
desired. . . . 

. . . All you need for this are a few agents with much clever- 
ness and no conscience, a press whose interest is locked up with the 
interests that will be benefited by war, and then the "overt act,** 
so much spoken of, will soon appear. It is no trick at all to get 
an "overt act" once you get the hatred of two nations to the proper 
pitch. We ought not to forget that wars are sometimes assisted 
into existence by men whose business demands it. There were men 
in every country who were glad to see the recent war begin and 
sorry to see it stop. Hundreds of American fortunes date from the 
Civil War; tens of thousands of new fortunes will date from the 
European War. Nobody attempts any longer to deny that war is 
a profitable business for those who like that kind of money. War 
is an orgy of money, just as it is an orgy of blood. Everybody 
knows that by this time. The explanations of the fact may be new; 
the fact itself is as old as war. 

. . . There is less unity in the world today, if you allow the 
influence of the hate-makers to shape your mind, than there was at 
the height of the war. . . . But what do we see now? One party 
works deftly to renew the Japanese war scare. Another moves dex- 
terously to revive the waning enthusiasm for a military aggression 
upon Mexico. One party would have us beware of England as a 
nation never to be trusted under any consideration. Another would 
have us regard France as too materialistic for our friendship. While 
others would fan any chance spark they may find of distrust of 
Italy. And if they fail here — although they do not wholly fail in 
any of these — there is always Russia left. 

Let us not forget how the last war was made. Let us not be 
blind to the fact that the same tactics are being played today. In 
our eagerness to forget the war let us not forget that the forces 
which produced the war still exist and are at work among us. 

Some of us took a good deal of criticism at one time by intimat- 
ing that profits had a considerable bearing on some men's patriotism 
— that is, upon their desire for war which they invariably called 
"patriotism." And we ought not to forget that the lust for war 

15 




TERENCE McSWINEY 



money is not dead yet. That is a lust which can never be satisfied 
even by a glut of profits. Thousands upon thousands in our own 
country, not to speak of others, have had a taste of that kind of 
money and they would not be averse to more from the same source. 
Building up a military establishment can provide war profits for a 
number of years before the war. But when the establishment is 
complete, then the continuance of profits demands that it be taken 
out on the field of battle and knocked to pieces again. And here is 
where Greed has a hand in producing war. 

The same forces which menaced the world in 1914 and the years 
preceding are still here. Let us not forget it. . . . 



Linn A. E. Gale: "What Henry Ford Is Doing." — This is not only 
the story of what radicals and liberals generally are doing, being a 
series of extracts from periodicals and books of the last couple of 
years which denounce war, exploitation and corruption. Frank Bon- 
ville, the author, is one of the most indefatigable propagandists in 
America in behalf of a better social order. His publicity work has 
been of immense value in awakening sleepy minds to the iniquities 
that curse America. . . . 

There are plenty of people with good intentions who want to 
stop profiteering and economic wrongs and who think they can do 
it by reforms. By getting them to read extracts from the writings 
of scientific Communists and Socialists, Bonville is showing them 
the error of their ways and helping them to see that the trouble 
lies in the system itself. . . . 

Bonville has assembled a mass of quotations from the American 
press and reproduced some of the most forceful cartoons that have 
appeared in these papers in the last few years. There is a lesson 
on every page of his book and the heap of facts mounts so high 
that every man whose brain is not atrophied, whose conscience is not 
benumbed, must comprehend the lesson. It is a splendid book for 
educational purposes. We wish that "What Henry Ford Is Doing" 
might find its way into every American home. — (Book Review in 
"Gale's Magazine.") 



You pay a man for land, what are you paying him for? You 
pay him for something that no man produced; you pay him for 
something that was here before man was, or for a value that was 
created, not by him individually, but by the community of which 
you are a part. — (Henry George.) 

17 



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Eugene V. Debs in action. — The man who was three times Socialist candidate for 
President, a whirlwind orator and campaigner. / 



A PRACTICAL SOLUTION 

By FRANK BONVILLE 

With all due respect to the ballot box, we cannot expect much 
through voting as long as 60 per cent of the wealth of this country 
is in the hands of 2/ per cent of the people. In other words, the 
capitalist has absolute control. Until control is equalized, about 
the only thing we can resort to is our economic power at the point 
of production — this means to work six hours, and then quit! This 
is direct action that can be used without violence or without inter- 
fering with our present form of government. This is how the 
eight-hour day, I understand, was brought about by the Lumber 
Workers on the Pacific Coast, and by Henry Ford in the Ford plant 
— direct action on the part of Mr. Ford and on the part of workers 
on the Pacific Coast. We must always bear in mind that an injury 
to one worker is an injury to all, and that the working class in 
general, referring to the producer, has absolutely nothing in common 
with the average capitalist. 

LET US BE MEN! WORK SIX HOURS AND THEN QUIT! 
And give the other two hours' work to some man whose family is 
in need of his earnings. 

Under the present system a man's labor has become a commodity 
(the same as any other commodity) and is sold to the highest bidder. 
If it were not for Unions today there would be nothing to prevent 
the capitalist from working the people fourteen or sixteen hours 
a day. 



If. these eighteen books are not in your library, they may be 
secured* through your bookstore or from the publishers : Progress 
and Poverty, by Henry George — The Social Significance of the 
Modern Drama, by Emma Goldman — Marxian Economics, by Ernest 
Unterman— Conventional Lies of Our Civilization, by Max Nordau — 
The Age of Reason, by Tom Paine — The Brass Check, by Upton 
Sinclair — The Steel Strike, by William Z. Foster — Forty-four Lec- 
tures, by Robert G, Ingersoll — What Henry Ford Is Doing, by Frank 
Bonville — The Centralia Conspiracy, by Ralph Chaplin — Life of Eu- 
gene V. Debs, by David Karsner — The Everett Massacre, by Walker 
C. Smith — The Iron Heel, by Jack London — Crime and Criminals, by 
Clarence Darrow — Lenin: The Man and His Works, by Williams — 
War— What For?, by Kirkpatrick— Under Fire, by Barbusse — The 
I. W. W. in the Lumber Industry, by James Rowan. 

19 



M 



EN FEAR THOUGHT AS THEY FEAR 
NOTHING ELSE ON EARTH - MORE 
THAN RUIN,MORE EVEN THAN DEATH 
THOUGHT IS SUBVERSIVE AND 
REVOLUTIONARY, DESTRUCTIVE AND 
TERRIBLE-THOUGHT IS MERCILESS 
TO PR1VILEGE.ESTABLISHED INSTI- 
TUTIONS^ COMFORTABLE HABITS 
THOUGHTIS ANARCHIC AND LAWLESS 
INDIFFERENT TO AUTHORITY. CARE- 
LESS OFTHE WELL-TRIED WISDOM OF 
THE AGES.THOUGHT LOOKS INTO THE 
PIT OFHELL AND IS NOT AFRAID. IT 
SEES MAN,A FEEBLE SPECK, SUR- 
ROUNDED BY UNFATHOMABLE 
DEPTHS OFSILENCE.YET IT BEARS 
ITSELF PROUDLY. AS UNMOVED AS 
IF IT WERE LORD OFTHE UNIVERSE. 
THOUGHTIS GREAT AND SWIFT AND 
FREEJHE LIGHT OF THE WORLD - 
AND THE CHIEF GLORY OF MAN ~ 

BERTRAND RUSSELL 



DO YOU WANT ANOTHER BUTCHER'S 
HOLIDAY? 

DO YOU WANT ANOTHER WAR? 

Do you want to go to Mexico and kill your Mexican brother whom 
you have never seen and who has never harmed you? 

Do you want to go there and let him kill you? 

Do you want to keep up this killing business? 

Do you want to be a pawn in another game of blood-letting and 
torture ? 

Or have you had enough of hell on earth? 

Comrades, the capitalists of the United States want to wage war 
on Mexico. They have wanted to do so for a long time. 
They want to conquer this beautiful, rich, sunny land. They 
want to establish another Ireland to writhe in a new Geth- 
semane of national agony and be raped and robbed at the 
sweet mercy of the imperialists of Wall Street. 

They want you to fight and suffer and die so they can pile up their 
blood-stained profits, coined from bound and agonizing Mexi- 
can workers. 

Don't do it! Don't fight your Mexican brothers. Refuse to fight. 
Refuse to make munitions for the purpose of fighting them. Refuse 
to produce food and supplies for such a war. Strike! Resist! Re- 
volt! — when the time comes. 

If the capitalists want to invade Mexico, let them do it. Don't 
YOU do it. Let those who want the war fight the war. It will be 
a fine way of getting rid of them. It will be an effective method 
of eliminating the parasites. 

Comrades, Fellow Workers, we have no objection to the capitalists 
killing themselves if they want to. They are welcome to amuse 
themselves as they like. But we refuse to kill ourselves for them. 
If they want dirty work, let them do it. 

There will be no war unless we, the workers, fight in it. Since 
we shall not, there will be no war. 

COMMUNIST PARTY OF MEXICO, 

P. O. Box 985, Mexico City, D. F., Mexico. 

21 




TROTSKY CONFERRING WITH GENERAL 
VATZETZI& AT THE FRONT 



The following is taken from the Ford International Weekly of 
July 5, 1919: 

"The Capitalist . . . can do more than any other man. . . . The 
trouble with him is selfishness and ignorance — mainly his ignorance. 
He seems to know nothing of the history of feudalism and the 
French Revolution. He seems never to have studied the cause of 
the present state in Russia. He seems to be ignorant of the fact 
that the unsettled condition of affairs in this country today are in 
the main due to the over-reaching of his class in the last two or 
three generations. He seems unable to grasp the fact that he - is 
in the minority, and that the majority are moving .on into a new 
social, political and industrial order. . . . The labor problem will 
never be solved by a soldier with a gun. . . . The time has come 
when we must stop and face, and solve the labor problem where 
we are, with everybody present. ... I have no program to offer, 
but I can see some things which, it seems to me, should be done s 
and done at once . . . for the common use of all men. . . . 

"... Another thing we should look into is the length of the 
working day. ... I think that eight hours is 'even longer than is 
necessary. I cannot see why the employer should rob the employes 
of the major portion of the benefit arising from the introduction 
of machinery. I cannot see why, if a machine can do the work of 
ten or twenty men, a man should be compelled to work at that 
machine as many hours as he did formerly when his output was 
one-tenth or one-twentieth as much. . . . 

"... As for wages — nothing can be solved by wages. A high 
minimum wage will do no good. If other conditions were to remain 
unchanged, a minimum wage of twenty dollars a day would be of 
benefit to the working classes for no longer period than it would take 
the landlords to raise the rent and the middlemen in food distribu- 
tion to increase the prices of food. I think that employers of labor 
must come to the realization that industry is not built up for the 
benefit of stockholders alone. . . . 

"... I think the time has come w T hen men of wealth must rec- 
ognize that wealth is not a private possession. It never was and 
never can be. Wealth is the fruit of labor. It is only another 
form of labor, and it belongs to labor. . . . 

"It is time to quit our hypocritical piety in the form of 'charity* 
and to begin to be just in our dealings with men." 



23 




THE IRON CROSS 



[By I. D. Ransley.] 

Soviet Russia has forced the capitalist countries of the world not 
only to bend the knee and salute the Socialist Federated Republic, 
but to use her products and material in order to bolster up for 
the time being a system that is tottering and about to fall and 
carry with it all the old institutions and their corrupt supporters. 

Speaking about the League of Nations, a world court of peace, 
self-determination of small nations, and wildly wave the Starry 
Banner, and all that — yet there is one haunting fear that you and 
your kind ever have at your heels, and that is the ever-increasing 
multitude of wage-slaves who are not pacified by your hired hand- 
maids of capitalism. 



These 54 publications are not handled by us. They can be secured 
through your news-dealer or the publishers: 

The Liberator, La Follette's Magazine, The Industrial Worker, 
Pearson's Magazine, The World, Nonpartisan Leader, Appeal to 
Reason, Butte Daily Bulletin, Labor, British Columbia Federationist, 
One Big Union Monthly, The Commoner, The Equitist, Humanity 
First, Weekly People, Gale's Magazine, Soviet Russia, The Messen- 
ger, The Socialist Review, The Truth Seeker, The Crucible, The 
Melting Pot, The Irish World, The Nation, The Columbia Sentinel, 
The New York Call, San Diego Labor Leader, The New Day, The 
Truth, Western Clarion, The Crusader, The Eye-Opener, The Daily 
Herald, Reconstruction, The Rip-Saw, Tom Mooney's Monthly, The 
New Justice, Good Morning, Solidamosz, The International Free 
Trader, The New Menace, Real Democracy, The Proletarian, The 
New Republic, Ford International Weekly, The Modern School, Com- 
mon Sense, The Golden Age, The Eye, The World Tomorrow, The 
Toiler, The Rib Tickler, The Capital Times. 



Regarding WAR WITH MEXICO, if you are not in favor of it, 
subscribe for "GALE'S," the only RADICAL MAGAZINE PUB- 
LISHED IN MEXICO. It is fighting the INTERVENTION PLOT, 
Gale impresses the truth strongly upon the minds of the public. The 
subscription price is $2.00 a year. Address: "GALE'S," BOX 518, 
MEXICO CITY, D. F., MEXICO. 

25 



LA POLLETTE'S MAGAZINE 



Feb., 1919 





f I were to try to read, much less answer, 
all the attacks made on me,, this shop 
might as well be closed for any other 
business. 1 do the very best I know how — the 
very best I can; and 1 mean to keep on doing 
so until the end. If the end brings me out all 
right, what is said against me won't amount tQ 
anything. If the end brings me out wrong, 
ten angels swearing I was right would make no 
difference/ " 




CARL W. ACKERMAN:— The Bolshevists are cleaning house. 

W. FRANCIS AHERN: — Attempt is being made in Australia to pave 
the way for imperial domination. 

GEORGE ANDREYTCHINE:— The General Labor Confederation is 
pledged to a direct struggle against Capitalism and its weapon . . * • 

ANISE: — The seat of government in economic matters is in the 
banks, and not at the city hall. 

CHARLES ASHLEIGH:— It was the Forest and Lumber Workers' 
Industrial Union of the I.W.W. that stood forth upon the great 
industrial stage of the Northwest and challenged the monster of 
profit. 

FRANCIS AHERN: — And while we count what this war has cost 
us, we have on the other hand the knowledge that the capitalists 
have profited as never before. 

GEORGE N. BARNES, P. C.:— So long as we have private people 
making guns with the incentive of private profit, there will never 
be peace. 

HENRY BOOL:— white slave, shake off thy shackles, sweep the 
cobwebs from your brains, stand shoulder to shoulder, and by 
the Eternal Verities, the future is yours. 

W. E. BROKAW: — If the people could be persuaded to cease taking 
the papers controlled by Privilege and take only papers devoted to 
their real interests, it wouldn't be long before they could easily 
abolish Privilege. 

DAVID P. BERENBERG:— Where did the capitalist's profit come 
from ? Labor. 

MICHAEL ALTSCHULER:— Marx maintained that the class strug- 
gle is political, no matter what forms it acquires in course of devel- 
opment — whether by means of parliamentary, economic (industrial) 
or purely intellectual methods, the proletariat attempts to transform 
the social structure of society, it is a political change. The I.W.W., 
the Syndicalists, the Anarchists, the Communists and the Socialists, 
each so radically differing in tactics and social outlooks, are never- 
theless having one aim in common, and that is: The destruction of 
Capitalism and the inauguration of a new State or system of society. 

27 



WILLIAM CLEARY:— The workers make the money, the Copper 
Trust gets it. 

BELLEGARIQUE: — Government has nothing to give me except that 
which it takes from me. 

ALEXANDER BERKMAN:— It's easier to build than to .tear down. 

W. H. BENSON: — Let us analyze before we criticize. . . . We can- 
not do justice to any topic unless we analyze both sides. 

GRACE D. BREWER:— Woman hates war. She hates it because it 
steals away the darling son and father only to send them home 
mangled or dead. 

DR. EDWIN J. BROWN: — Working people ought to own their own 
stores. 

EUGENE BELMONT:— The I. W. W.'s are the pioneers of a new 
society. 

VICTOR L. BERGER:— From the beginning of time the bird of 
freedom has been a jailbird. 

SENATOR WM. E. BORAH:— I would write into the Constitution 
an amendment forbidding the country to enter into any war, except 
one of defense, until the people have the opportunity to express 
their will by vote. 

H. C. BIEHL: — The strike is the last weapon the worker has, and 
any attempt to interfere with it would mean an open rebellion by 
all of labor. 

F. A. BLOSSOM:— The Industrial Workers of the World organize 
the workers by industries, not trades. 

WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN:— If the newspapers of the country 
told the truth for six months, it would put an end to any wrong. 

ALLAN L. BENSON:— To the Working Class of the World: . . . 
You must end war, or war will end you. 

ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE:— The "Wise, Rich and Good," as they 
call themselves, have completely lost their heads. 

29 



HOMER BONE: — I know of no higher duty to one's constituents 
than to unmask every effort of Big Business, to loot the pantries of 
the poor, and to curb constitutional rights. We have made 18,000 
new millionaires. We have raised five Liberty loans and every dollar 
of the first four went into the making of these millionaires. 

ARTHUR BRISBANE:— Why is Lenin so powerful? Because he 
understands the whole of Russia. . . . Lenin is the ruler of Russia. 
And every man in the Russian army would die for him, because 
they believe in him. ... He believes what he preaches. 

— _ 

ROBERT BRIDGES:— I'm not afraid of the Bolsheviki. 

YON CASSIUS:— What is the difference between European Militarist 
and the Yankee Preparationist ? 

■ c — 

SENATOR CAPPER:— While we were sending our boys to Fiance 
the United States Steel Corporation made $1,300,000,000. 

W. HARRIS CROOK:— Members of the Boston Fire, Police, Water 
and Treasury Departments are affiliated with the A. F. of L. 



FRANK W. COTTERILL:— The idle x money in the banks today is 
the worker. We have seen enough to convince the most skeptical 
that we have got to look out for our own. 

PARLEY PARKER CHRISTENSEN:— Ninety-three per cent of all 
government expense has gone to the Army and Navy. 

LORD ROBERT CECIL:— I am absolutely convinced you have got 
to give to the wage-earners a share in the management of the 
industry in which they are employed. 

GEORGE B. COLMAN:— Bank deposits before the war, $27,000,- 
000,000. Bank deposits in 1919, $75,000,000,000. 

SIR EDWARD CARSON, M. P.:— I believe that if things go on as 
they are going at present the House of Commons will be ruined. 

FRANK I. COBB: — For five years there has been no free play of 
public opinion in the world. 

SAMUEL CROWTHER:— The socialistic propaganda . . . works 
exactly twenty-four hours a day seven days a week. 

31 



hellT) Jfc 




H. E. COFFEY:— The Standard Oil Company of Indiana has made 
net profits of 467 per cent in seven years. 

D. C. COATES:— The old gang can be cleaned up and will be if 
everyone from now on does his or her duty. 

S. A. CRAFT: — Study our gambling game called business. 

JUDGE CLAYPOOL discovered that an I. W. W. would not skip bail 
— in fact, had no desire to run away. A "gentleman's agreement" 
was enough to hold an I. W. W. 

D. D. DIETZ: — The working class needs no international to tell 
them not to load ammunition for the allies. Strike against allied 
munitions is the first effective way to help Soviet Russia. 

RALPH WALDO EMERSON:— If there be a country where speech 
is not free, where mail bags are opened and letters tampered with — 
that country is not civil, but barbarous. 

EUGENE V. DEBS:— In Boston, for example, the death rate of 
babies of the poor is nearly two and a half times the death rate 
of babies of the rich. At least 100,000 babies thus needlessly perish 
each year in the United States. The children of the working class 
are driven to body and soul destroying toil in factories, workshops 
and mines in order that the children of the rich parasites may play 
and enjoy the opportunities which a decent society would accord to 
every child in the world. 

A DOUGHBOY: — Well, that wonderful war was over and we dough- 
boys who had fought were mighty glad to sail by that dear old 
Statue of Liberty in the Harbor of "Little 01' New York." We 
were proud to be Americans, and all of that pride burst forth in a 
rousing cheer when we saw those dear old Stars and Stripes waving 
once again on our beloved land. I thought I was an American. 
But, oh, boy! I sort of shriveled up after I landed — got home here 
to dear old San Diego. Those grand old profiteers were the . . . 
100 per cent Americans. . . . When I attempted to buy, there it was! 
Plain as day! One hundred per cent advance in price — 100 per cent 
American. Simple, isn't it? One hundred per cent profit — 100 per 
cent Americanism! 

GRACE DE GRAFF:— Henry Ford did what he started out to do; 
he established a permanent Bureau of Peace at The Hague. 

33 



DETROIT TIMES sept 20, i9ie. 



Leading a Blind British Soldier to Paddle 




- ^iS*l#£ ©*** 



^S#it^V : 



Visitors at one of the homes in England for blind soldiers lead them 
out on the beach to paddle. This photograph shows a little girl who is 
acting as the^guide for one of the men who lost his sight in the trenches. 



F. E. COULTER:— The collection of interest means the destruction 
of Labor. 

MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT:— If the vote had been granted 
to women some twenty-five years ago, women's influence would have 
so leavened world politics there would have been no war. 

ED GAMMONS:— The Sinn Fein courts, with the authority of 85 
per cent of the Irish people behind them, have practically put the 
British courts out of business. 

W. F. DUNN: — Leaders never can emancipate the working class. 
They will have to do that themselves. 

JAMES A. DAVIS:— The United States leads the remainder of the 
world combined in the amount of money lost in financial swindles. 

FOURNIER D'ALBE:— The Bolsheviki are stronger today than ever. 

GEORGE B. CATLIN:— Russia puts an end to the most powerful 
autocracy in the world. 

O. T. ERICKSON:— We have merchants' banks, manufacturers' 
banks, lumbermen's banks, etc. Why not a State Bank of Labor or 
the First National Bank of Labor? 

MAX EASTMAN: — Capitalism, in the war-ridden countries at least, 
has passed into that purely military stage anticipated by Jack 
London in his . . . book, "The Iron Heel." 

JUSTUS EBERT:— What was the crime of the I. W. W. at the 
beginning of the war in the copper and lumber camps of the West 
and Northwest ? Why, it practiced mass action. 

GOVERNOR FRAZIER of North Dakota suggests that we rise to 
the level taken by all the other countries and release political 
prisoners. 

HARRY FEINBERG:— The I. W. W. finds not only the politician an 
obstacle in the way of progress, but also the pretentious and 
unprincipled labor fakir. 

ROSE A. DAVISON: — It is necessary that we — the people — under- 
stand and share with each other the high ideals of life and service. 

35 







(From the Dearborn Independent, November, 1920. 



ENGELS AND MARX:— Workingmen, unite! You have nothing to 
lose but your chains; you have the world to gain. 

ELIZABETH GURLEY FLYNN:— People are beginning to under- 
stand why Joe Hill, Frank Little and Carl Liebknecht were murdered. 

WILLIAM M. FEIGENBAUM:— Before Debs was 20 he had organ- 
ized a lodge of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen (February 
27, 1875), and from that day to this he has carried a card of the 
Brotherhood. 

W. A. DOMINGO: — "The Brass Check" is a book that every person 

should read. 

■ 

IRWIN ST. JOHN TUCKER:— A. A. Bagwell is a school teacher, 
who spends the hours after school in organizing Socialist locals. 

KATE GREENHALGH:— The capitalistic system is tottering. 

M. A. GRIFFIN: — Let us organize our dollars 100 per cent strong. 

HENRY A. GRADY:— It is not strange that there should be a 
tendency to centralization in our government. 

ALMA GLUCK declares war is never justified. "Shoot your sons 
dead, American Mothers, before you allow them to enlist for war!" 

JACK GAVEEL:— The good things of life do not drop out of the 
clouds as the result of a wish or a prayer, but come to us only as 
the inevitable gain of determined and intelligent effort. 

WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE :— The proper function of govern- 
ment is to make it easy for the people to do good, and difficult for 
them to do evil. 

SECRETARY HAYS, of the International Typographical Union, 
stated that it may be necessary to establish the six-hour day to 
insure steady employment. A shorter work-day makes more jobs, 
the committee argued. 

JAMES J. HILL testified before the Stanley House Committee that 
ore lands in the Superior region had been bought by him for 
$4,000,000 and later transferred to stockholders of his railroad, and 
that they are now worth more than $500,000,000. 

37 



CHARLES F. HIGHAM, M. P.:— The people want to think, and try 
to think, but are given the wrong things. . . . 

WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD:— There are in America 4,000,000 children 
and 7,000,000 women in the workshops. 

FRANCIS J. HENEY:— We will find a way to prevent a few men 
from making money out of nothing. 

JOHN HOME: — The truly generous are the truly wise. 

KATE O'HARE:— We don't want profit, rent or interest. 

ROBERT H. HARLIN:— The American miners are after the six- 
hour day. 

FREDERICK S. HOWE:— And as a result of the great war the 
smallest bank in the country has become part of an international 
banking monopoly. 

MAX HAYES: — The capital of the nation has become concentrated 
in the control of a few great interests. 

THOS. HAYDEN:— The man who does not believe in the Ford phi- 
losophy, in my opinion, isn't a good American. 

HARRY HUFF: — If there is a spark of manhood in the American 
worker, he will never go to war against the peons of Mexico. 

JOE HILL: — Workers of the World, awaken! Break your chains! 
Demand your right! All the wealth you make is taken by exploit- 
ing parasites. 

JOHN HAYNES HOLMES:— I am here to ask that the Russian 
people be left alone to work out their own destiny in their own way. 

FRED L. HOLMES: — I cry out to the world to give a man a chance. 

HERBERT C. HOOVER:— Every man and woman has the right to 
decide what issues and measures he will support. 

SAM KATAYAMA:— The war of 1914-19 brought many unspeakable 
evils and miseries to humanity. The workers and the poor people 
of the belligerent nations are still suffering from the effects. 

39 





FATHER T. J. O'DONNELL 



JEFFERSON 




JOHN REED 

Died at his revolutionary post, 

October 17, 1920. 



Ex-CONGRESSMAN A. W. LAFFERTY 
OF OREGON 



JESSE WALLACE HUGH AN:— Socialists vote for principles rather 
than men. 

MAXIMILIAN HARDEN:— The outside world must prepare itself 
to deal with a modified Soviet government. 



LORD HALDANE: — There is no reason why women should not hold 
the office of Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor. 

WALTER C. HUNTER:— Anyone with brains will admit that the 
workers must organize. 

JUDGE J. M. HALL:— There are two British officeholders in Ireland 
for every three laborers. 

GEORGE HARDY:— There is no mistaking where the I. W. W. 
stands in the world's movement, but there is a doubt in the minds 
of some as to what is the best policy to pursue in the field of 
revolutionary activity. 

GEN. TALBOT HOBBS:— Parliament is spending millions and mil- 
lions of pounds for the upkeep of the army, navy and air forces. 
One would almost think that we were just starting on a war instead 
of having just finished one. 

C. P. HOFFMAN:— I mean you— the mother— the father— the 
brother — the sister — the woman — the man. I am asking you: Do 
you want war? I am not asking the money lender, the bond 
broker, the manufacturer of ammunitions, of guns, shot and shell, 
nor the exporter of foodstuffs and mules. I am asking YOU. 

WALTER C. HUNTER:— Anyone with brains will admit that the 
workers must organize, because the bosses are organized in firms, 
corporations and employers' associations; but the big thing is for 
the worker to be sure he organizes under the best system, the one 
that will make his strength count to the utmost in the sruggle for 
Iris rights. 

REV. WILLIAM IVENS, leader of the Winnipeg strikers, insists 
on the One Big Union. 

R. G. INGERSOLL:— I feel indebted for the liberty we now have to 
Tom Payne. 

MRS. R. M. JOHNSON:— Nations, like men, "reap what they sow." 

41 



L-oviss ** 



'* e mh^ i, 



' +930 




TROTSKY IN MILITARY DRESS 

In the above picture the Commissar of War is shown reviewing the First Moscow 

Regiment. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON:— I sincerely believe that banking estab- 
lishments are more dangerous than standing armies. 

TOM JONES:— We Socialists want the whole earth— for the people 
who do the work. 

SENATOR HIRAM JOHNSON:— I believe in an Americanism which 
protects free speech and the right of peaceable assembly. 

O. C. JOHNSON: — Yes, there is something wrong, and it doesn't 
require a Socialist to prove it. 

MOTHER JONES:— The people are awakening fast. 

HAROLD ROLAND JOHNSON:— When life and right have been 
made secure, then will the poetry of love, truth and beauty come 
from the pens of those who brought Freedom. 

W. J. JOBELMAN:— The chief work of capitalists is to try to 
fool the people. 

HENRY KRUMREY:— In my opinion, all farmers should be for the 
Nonpartisan League. 

KARL KAUTSKY: — If the capitalist were to work his employes 
only long enough to produce the worth of the wages he pays them, 
he would not clear a profit. 

DAVID KARSNER: — Eugene V. Debs has given over forty years 
of his life to the working class. 

JACK KAVANAUGH:— The label on a bottle doesn't change the 
contents. 

JOHN KERACHER: — The real pulse-beat of capitalism is always 
to be found in that center of world imperialism, England. 

TOM LEWIS: — The working people are producing the best and are 
beginning to wonder why they can't get the best. 

CHARLES H. KERR:— But you have only one thing to sell, and 
that is your labor power. If you can't sell it, you can't eat. So you 
sell it for what it will bring. . . . The capitalists control the gov- 
ernment. We must organize in a great industrial union that shall 
take in all wage-workers, both skilled and unskilled. 

43 




TWO PILLARS OF SOCIETY 




HER REWARD 



A. W. LAFFERTY: — After a dollar is once deposited, it is made to 
work over and over again by the banks, until every dollar in the 
country is now loaned out eight times. 

JACK LONDON:— A good soldier . . . never . . . thinks. ... If he 
is ordered to fire on his fellow citizens, on his friends, on his neigh- 
bors, on his relatives, he obeys without hesitation. 

CHARLES H. LEWIS:— Forty thousand laboring men in Detroit 
. . . stand ready to oppose any plan for "preparedness" or war. 

ERNEST LING: — The great boost of American business since 1914 
is measured by jumps of billions of dollars in export trade. At 
first this was mostly war business. 

PAUL LAFARGUE:— The capitalist class has found itself con- 
demned to laziness and forced enjoyment, to unproductiveness and 
over-consumption. But if the overwork of the laborer bruises his 
flesh and tortures his nerves, it is also fertile in griefs for the 
capitalist. 

ISAAC DON LEVINE:— The Russian Revolution has won its fight 
and the Soviet Government in Russia has come to stay. The 
sooner the United States government realizes it the better for the 
interests of America. 

JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL:— All free governments, whatever their 
name, are in reality governments by public opinion; and it is on the 
quality of this public opinion that their prosperity depends. 

W. JETT LAUCK: — Profiteering must be stopped before anything 
else. 

GEORGE LANSBURY: — No one in Russia is supposed to have two 
houses until everyone has one. 

GRANDMA LEUENBERGER:— Never be afraid to face something 
new. Half the people in the world could be successful if only they 
dared leave the old rut. Lots of folks fail because they're afraid 
to speak for themselves at the right time. . . . Learn to rely on 
yourself. Your own judgment and your own conscience should be 
your best guides. 

SENATOR LAFOLLETTE:— On an average the American people 
are paying 70 per cent on over $31,000,000,000 of watered stock. 

45 



SCHEMERS AND DREAMERS. 

r a s 




DR. KARL LIEBKNECHT:— The producing class is bound to win 
out in time. 

JIM LARKIN: — We recognize only the producer. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN: — This country with its institutions belongs 
to the people who shall inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary 
of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional 
right of amendment, or their revolutionary right to dismember and 
overthrow it. 

REV. P. A. KLEIN: — The church cannot save the world by the use 
of money coming from unsaved sources; instead of listening to cries 
about Bolshevism, it would be better to listen to the cries of the 
underpaid worker. 

W. D. LANE: — The returned soldier will find out who his real 
friends are. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN:— Labor should be considered first of all. 

S. J. LOWELL: — If you think the farmer is rolling in wealth, why 
don't you come out and roll in it? 

DR. SETH C. MAKER (President Washington Progressive Dental 
Society) : — All of the unlicensed men are willing to stand or fall on 
their right to take the dental examination. 

JOHN T. MULLIGAN (Attorney for the National Nonpartisan 
League) declared one of the principal plans of the League to be the 
elimination of the absentee landlord leech. 

ALFRED W. McCANN:— In July, 1918, when the American people 
were going without bacon, we shipped to Europe 119,893,655 pounds 
at 29 cents a pound. 

BUDD L. McKILLIPS (from his poem, "Labor") :— I builded your 
ships — factories and mines — I builded the railroads — printed the 
books you have read — I builded your skyscrapers — I builded your 
automobile. — Without me the world could not live. — Too long you 
have ground me in slavery. — Today I have thrown off my fetters, 
and stand forth to claim what I own. . . . Injunctions and jails do 
not awe me; I fear not your grim prison walls. . . . No more will 
I cringe at your call. — I am mighty and you are but few. — No longer 
I'll bow in submission. — I am Labor and ask for my due. 

47 



WILHELM LIEBKNECHT:— I -have always taken the insolence of 
my opponents as an involuntary compliment and never bothered 
myself about it. 

ERNEST KORNER: — In all cases where their mind is not influenced 
by passion, mixed with prejudiced or obscured by lack of information, 
the people may be depended upon to act with moderation and on the 
side of Peace. 

J. C. KENNEDY declared that the American people do not want 
war and will not have war. 

HELEN KELLER: — We don't want any more guns or soldiers. 

THOMAS F. LAWSON:— A trust is, top, sides, bottom,' outside and 
inside, an absolutely illegal institution. . . . Imagine our lawmakers 
gravely meeting to make laws for the control and regulation of the 
pickpocket, ... or endeavoring to prescribe legally the times, places 
and amounts of national bank defalcations or the kind of ink, paper 
and pencils which must be used by forgers in the pursuit of their 
profession. . . . Imagine it! 

REX LAMPMAN:— Charity fights justice. 

MARY E. MARCY: — There can be no wars, no navy, no army, no 
munitions, or guns, or transportation, or provender, without the 
labor of the working class. 

SENATOR MOSES asserts that Henry Ford is not a red-blooded 
American. We are not notified as to what kind of a blood-tester 
the senator uses; but we are convinced that any man — black, white, 
yellow, red, brown — who can fill the earth with "Fords" is not only 
a benefactor but is blessed with brains. 

W. 0. P. MORGAN: — Whose hand was playing Clemenceau as it 
chose? All Frenchmen agreed that it was the Paris bankers — 
Rothschild and others. American and English capital was with 
these financiers. The politicians of the world have sold their peoples. 

A. E. MILLER: — How many people realize their money is falling 
into the hands of a small clique of financiers who are gradually 
taking a mortgage on the country? 

RENA MOONEY:— Tom Mooney wants to get out of San Quentin 
prison and take up his work for his own people. 



FJ?OK im: PORTLAND WEWS 



^Iv** 1 *"** 




KARL MARX: — Working men of the world, organize! You have 
nothing to lose but your chains, and the world to gain! 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN:— In order for one to be fair to himself he 
must always investigate both sides. 

ISAAC McBRIDE:— Tell America, for the sake of truth and jus- 
tice, to give Russia a chance, to withdraw her troops at once. 

FRED MOORE: — The workers' hour will come the minute they get 
together. 

MURRAY MURPHY:— Why could not all these "radicals" unite 
and accomplish something? The trouble lies in a misunderstanding 
of the word "unity." 

ARCHBISHOP MANNIX:— And the war is over, and most of the 
world is asked to believe that it is at peace. . . . We are all wiser 
now. 

TOM MANN: — When we have absolute solidarity we will simply 
reach out our hands and take that which is ours. 

GEORGE E. MILLER:— The present great war was fomented pri- 
marily by interests which make money out of wars. . . . Practically 
all the money in the world will be found in the hands of these 
interests which speculate in the instrumentalities of organized 
murder. 

SAMUEL S. MARQUIS: — The impression has somehow gotten 
abroad that Henry Ford is in the automobile business. It isn't 
true. Mr. Ford's business is the making of men, and he manufac- 
tures automobiles on the side to defray the expenses of the main 
business. 

JOHN MOONEY: — I found that solidarity among workers in Europe 
is greater than here. 

JOHN M. HcDONALD:— Never mind the "isms." Let's get the 
Six-Hour Day. * 

JOHN F. MOORS: — Mexico is said to be capable of producing one- 
half of the oil supply of the world. 

TOM MANN: — Solidarity will bring what belongs to us. 

51 



THE ONE BIG UNION MONTHLY 




GRANT MILLER: — Public opinion has been classified, bundled in 
tape and stuck in pigeonholes. . . . Every newspaper is tinctured 
with lies, and every sensible editor knows it and at heart is sick 
about it. . . . There is no such thing today as the free play of 
public opinion. There can be no free play of public opinion when 
there is no free play of facts. 



PROFESSOR J. MILTON:— What is your opinion of the way 
Negroes are treated by the Americans? 



SCOTT NEARING:— The rich may remain rich only while they keep 
their neighbors — brother humans — poor. 

JOHN PANCNER:— There are about 1,800 or more prisoners at the 
United States prisons today. Many of them are young soldiers who 
committed some trifling offense for which they were courtmartialed 
and given long terms in prison. 

G. E. PAYNES — No member of the working class who can write 
well enough to be understood should fail to send in any report he 
may have knowledge of regarding working-class activity and indus- 
trial happenings. 

GLENN E. PLUMB:— The men who established this nation de- 
clared: "Government is instituted for the common good, for the 
protection, safety, prosperity, and happiness of the people, and not 
for the profit, honor or private interest of any one man, family or 
class of men." 

ALVIN PORTER:— When the laboring masses of the land under- 
stand . . . the Bonville contract system . . . every producer can 
become his own boss . . . 

PROUDHON: — The great only seem to us great because we are on 
our knees. Let us arise. 

WENDELL PHILLIPS :— When infinite Wisdom established the 
rule of right and honesty, He saw to it that justice should be al- 
ways the highest expediency. 

JOCILE WEBB PEARSON:— The beaten track is preferred by those 
afraid of the unknown. 

REV. R. S. REES (after reading "The Brass Check") :— I have seen 
a vision, and from now on I must be a different man. 

53 



Flag-Draped CasketsofEddu 



dims 




FOB three hours all l/st*ino»* v.- as nt-spcadea . , VhSle 

10,000 persona paid their last respects to ths o^g umi -5 of 1 ' 
Eddyahimo explosion. Ja a heavy f&ia the Bioursers 

of all denominations gave their blessings to those who -. «ir lives 

making ammunition for ih^ xjft m „ y t tj ttu cn^i s oJ th Aa<*rh>aft 

people, Kaeh «>nffin was covered by a a Anuoo <-:- ^ -vrere 
extremely simple, only the. -it^w of tr. 

the Trahienlifterl ones were h«*rietl ta one grave, 2o toet ^de and S3 feet long. 

iBvest-ijg^tioTis hi to the causa of the -explosion are beinsf he cmi- 
Mms nf **^«*on tba.t the disaster to not the rosylt of"a tjIo* h- 



JOHN NORDQUIST:— Organized right will win the fight. 

TOM PAYNE: — I believe in the equality of man; and I believe that 
religious duties consist in doing justice, loving mercy, and endeav- 
oring to make our fellow creatures happy. . . . Jesus Christ wrote 
no account of himself, of his birth, parentage, or anything else; 
not a line of what is called the New Testament is of his own 
writing. The history of him is altogether the work of other people, 

CHAS. PETROVITSKY:— Very often the government is blamed for 
the act of some of its agents. 

LOUIS F. POST: — There is no democracy in industry without col- 
lective bargaining. . . . Neither industrial nor political democracy 
can exist unless every man has equal opportunity — an equal stand- 
ing in the government and on the earth. It doesn't make any dif- 
ference whether the man is educated or uneducated, rich or poor; 
his rights must be equal — his political rights and his industrial 
rights. . . . 



SIR WILLIAM PETTY:— The earth is the mother and labor the' 
father of all wealth. 

EMMELINE PANKHURST:— Women will soon have their rights. 

AMOS FINCHOT:— The people are exploited by the moneyed inter- 
ests as never before. 

WILLIAM PICKENS:— The colored man has been cheated out of 
nine-tenths of his votes. 

R. L. PERRY: — I consider the Bonville System the greatest advance 
in the business world which has been made in recent years. When 
this system becomes . . . understood by the people they will de- 
mand its universal use. . . . 

RALPH S. PIERCE:— Many things are done in the name of Law 
and Order which are not always in the interests of our country. 

CHARLES EDWARD RUSSELL:— Five years ago the colored pop- 
ulation of Chicago was 65,000. Today it is 125,000. The increase 
has been brought about largely by employers looking for cheap labor 
and deprived of their usual foieign supply because cf the war. 

MANUEL REY:— I ;ove you, . . . Lrother . . . Rebel Worker. . . .. 



THE MESSENGER 



MX'. 








You Can Break the Shackles nf Fear 



A. P. RANDOLPH: — The I.W.W. draws no race, creed or color line, 

MRS. ELLA PATTERSON:— Women are the real sufferers from 
the European war. . . . Should the mother have been called upon 
to vote the question of war, do you think that a majority of these 
mothers would have voted to have sent their splendid young sons 
out to be mowed down by machine guns, as grain is mowed by a 
reaper in the fields ? . . . Do you suppose that the tender sister 
would vote to send her brother to possible death? No! A thousand 
times no! 

JOHN RUSKIN: — The moment our capital is increased by having 
lent it, be it but the estimation of a hair, that hair-breadth of inter- 
est is usury. 

A. M. ROVIN: — It matters not whether the, war lords of industry 
are directing their strategic boards of . profiteering from England, 
Germany, France or America. They are arrayed against each other 
for the command of the markets to dispose of the surplus wealth, 
but in the warfare against the producers of this wealth. . . . 

I. D. RANSLEY: — Mr. Radical, the time has come for you to take 
a stand. If you don't declare yourself, then don't tell me you are 
fighting for the emancipation of the worker. ... I have seen more 
street meetings disrupted by drunks than by any other cause. . . . 
Can you vote for the brewery and forget the hop-growers of Cali- 
fornia, who, backed by the . . . breweries, sent to prison for life 
Richard Ford and Herman Suhr, whose only crime was the asking 
for more sanitary conditions ? . . . 

W. P. RYAN: — On May 12, 1916, James Connolly was carried from 
his bed in a hospital, where he was lying with an ankle shot to 
pieces, and brought before a firing squad. He was so weak that he 
could not stand or sit, so the British soldiers tied him in a chair 
and then shot him dead. ... At the age of 26 he started on the 
bold adventure of founding the Irish Socialist Republican Party in 
Dublin. He was the most Irish of all our democratic leaders, .... 
Understanding the Connolly of 1896, we understand the Connolly 
of all the years and fortunes to 1916, when he crowned his gospel 
of Labor and Nationality with the supreme proof of faith. 

GEORGE BERNARD SHAW:— Let anyone walk through the poorer 
quarters of our cities when the men are not working, but resting 
and chewing the cud of their reflection, and he will find that there 
is one expression on every mature face — the expression of cynicism. 

57 



IS FREEDOM 




By Harridan. Geotge 



MRS. F. SHEEHY SKEFFINGTON (widow of the Irish editor and 
poet who was shot without trial in Dublin at the time of the recent 
uprising-) would net say how she escaped from Ireland. 

NATHAN STRAUS:— I find the only lasting satisfaction is in what 
you can do for the world. 

J. E. SNYDER:— Solidarity of Labor is growing. 

W. M. SHORT: — I favor the establishment of a labor and farm bank 
to be owned and controlled by producers. 

ISAAC SWEET: — Interest at legal rate is but condensed usury. 
It's a dangerous vice that civilization should overcome. 

LESLIE M. SHAW: — Nine persons out of ten who have reached the 
age of sixty are dependent on their children or on charity for 
support. 

DANA SLEETH:— Work for the gods that give, rather than the 
gods that take. 

EX-CONGRESSMAN SULZER:— Congress cannot do anything with- 
out the consent of Wall Street. 

L. J. SMITH:— What is the crime of crimes? It is to refuse to 
seek out, to know and to defend the truth against the wrongs and 
injustice that pauperize, brutalize and criminalize humanity the 
world over. 

IRVING L. SPENCER:— My Dear Mr. Debs: I am studying law 
now, and intend to devote my life to the cause for which you are 
suffering now. 

RICHARD SFILLANE:— In all the world there is only $9,000,000,000 
of coined gold or gold in bars. The amount of silver coined or in 
pigs is but $3,000,000,000. So it is that if the coin or markers were 
to be used exclusively, there would not be enough in the world t© 
pay for much more than one-half of the farm products of America 
alone in the year of 1919. . . . The world's business is conducted 
on credit. Superimposed on the relatively small base of gold and 
silver is a towering structure of promise — a pledge in evidence of 
which is a piece of paper is given. That is the bank note, the bill of 
exchange, the mortgage, and all the ramified forms of indebtedness. 

59 



The Ford International Weekly 




Labor of the World Awakening 



REV. T. H. SIMPSON:— The I.W.W. is stealing Christ from the 
church. 

LINCOLN STEFFENS:— The State and Church— from both of 
which the Mexican peons have sorely suffered — have never furnished 
the common people anything but slavery and superstition. 

WALKER C. SMITH:— Only those who challenge capitalist owner- 
ship of industry have a logical right to demand changes. 

J. P. THOMPSON:— Don't forget that Ford and Suhr are serving 
a lifetime sentence for their activities in behalf of the workers in 
the California hop fields. 

REV. EUGENE R. SHIPPEN read a telegram from William Jen- 
nings Bryan — against Militarism. . . . Citizens everywhere express 
themselves in telegrams and letters. This is the only way in which 
to overcome the misrepresentations of the jingo portion of the met- 
ropolitan press. 

HENRY SCATTERGOOD (Mr. Scattergood is a classmate of Sam 
Hill. He has a pile of money, but, like Mr. Vanderlip, he is a busi- 
ness man who sees) : — I am ashamed to say it, but business men do 
next to no thinking. 

M. J. SMITH: — We must broaden out and not allow ourselves to 
go blind with labels or "isms." 

A. M. SIMONS: — The sum which is wasted every year (through 
competitive strife and the inefficiency of capitalist class rule) is 
sufficient to insure to every man, woman and child in the United 
States an income equal to that which can now be purchased for a 
thousand dollars. For every family it would mean an income of 
about five times that sum. 

MARK STONE: — Free speech is an ideal that lives in the hearts 
of man. It is not a fact. It never has been a fact. . . . Martyrs 
to Free Speech: Socrates died for free speech. Savonarola hung 
for it. Galileo was tortured for it. Bruno was burned for it. Vol- 
taire was imprisoned for it. Huxley was ostracized for it. Marx 
was starved for it. * Wendell Phillips and Lloyd Garrison were 
mobbed for it. Frank Little, 'Gene Debs and William Haywood have 
been hung and jailed and persecuted for it. Yet we haven't got it. 
The best brains of* history have labored for it. . . . 

61 



THE ONE BIG UNION MONTHLY 




cw 



J.,0. STEARNS, JR.:— The time is not far when we will all have 
to take one side or the other. 

ANNA LOUISE STRONG:— I see . . . at last the Star of Freedom 
shining. 

DR. HERBERT SHIPMAN:— The system of gouging dollars from 
the unfortunates roused me to sleeplessness^ 

ALFRED E. SMITH:— The bonds of the bank should be purchased 
by the state itself, and everything possible done to develop this into 
a real home-building bank. 

JOHN SANDGREN: — It is the historic mission of the working class 
to do away with capitalism. . . . The I.W.W. is not only willing 
but glad to grasp the hands OF ANY BODY of workers anywhere 
in the world who have similar aims and objects. 

R. L. STEVENSON:— There is such a thing as loyalty to a man's 
own better self; and from those who have not that, God help me, 
how am I to look for loyalty to others ? 

EDWARD A. SUTHERLAND:— God started the race on the land, 
and until the race gets back upon the land, as happy freeholders, 
there will be no end to the social and labor troubles of the world. 

JOHN SWINTON: — Lincoln spoke for men; so spoke Debs. Lincoln 
spoke for right and progress; so spoke Debs. Lincoln spoke for the 
freedom of labor; so spoke Debs. Lincoln was the foe of human 
slavery; so is Debs. 

MRS. MARY SCHWAB :— Fighting for better conditions, we have 
everything to win and nothing to lose. 

CLYDE H. TAVENNER: — Preparation for war means an increased 
burden of taxes for everyone, and suffering and misery on every 
hand. 

SEYMOUR STEDMAN:— Mobs do not spring up overnight. They 
are organized by someone with an interest in stopping Socialist 
speeches. 

G. ZINOVIEV:— The aim of the I.W.W. is to "build the new society 
within the shell of the old." This means to organize the workers. 

63 



JOE SHOVEL: — The hard-coal miners had been "good" during the 
war on the promise that something would be done for them later. 

DAVID TAPFEN: — Wages have risen, but who cares what wages 
are, so long as there is an increase in labor cost to the consumer? 

LEO TOLSTOI: — People must produce as much as they consume to be 
happy. 

MARK TWAIN: — A lie can travel half way around the world while 
the truth is getting its clothes on. 

ARTHUR THOMSON:— The Mexican people are capable of solving 
their own problems. 

E. TAPPAN TANNATT:— Wall Street knew five months before the 
declaration of war that this government would enter the war and 
had laid its plans to take charge of the reins of government. 

FRANK TURCO:— The race riots in the East were being carefully 
fostered by the employing classes. 

JOHN KENNETH TURNER:— There is no need to waste words 
as to what Wall Street wants in Mexico. It wants political control 
sufficient to insure the fullest capitalistic protection for its property 
interests. 

MARY E. TICHENOR:— As has been truly said, woman has been 
the "slave of a slave." 

W. S. U'REN: — We should be working with all our might to put men 
above dollars. 

H. C. UTHOFF: — I am glad to see tbe people getting away from 
fear. 

ANDRE J. VOLSTEAD:— I am . . . convinced that prohibition is 
. . . good. 

DANIEL WEBSTER r^There is nothing so powerful as truth, and 
often nothing so strange. 

REV. CLAUDE W. WARREN:— We used to think that Christ was 
a fiction of the priests. But now we know that he was a man like 
us, a working man who had a heart for the poor. 

65 



^ — - , i 



X_ II 

MOONEY-1— v 




PRESIDENT WILSON:— The masters of the government of the 
United States are the combined capitalists and manufacturers o-f the 
United States. 

GEORGE L. WHEELER (Special Agent of the Department of Jus- 
tice) : — The Columbia River Shipbuilding Corporation has been guilty 
of extensive fraudulent dealings with the government both during 
and after the war. 

RABBI JOHN R. WISE :— Therefore, we may hope that in time the 
world at large will have a .better understanding as to why working- 
men struck to obtain a living wage. 

HOWARD R. WILLIAMS:— Any body of men who will not stick 
up for their rights of free speech are nothing but a gang of slaves. 

TOM WALSH: — The workers themselves it is who will have to act, 
for they are the people who feel the unjust conditions arising on the 
jobs, and that is where the trouble is, and where the workers will 
have to take organized action. 

ALBERT RHYS WILLIAMS:— A revolution is like any other con- 
flict. There are the losers and the winners. The losers in Russia 
represent less than 5 per cent of the population. 

ABNER WOODRUFF:— The Industrial Workers of the World have 
seen the present situation developing through many years and have 
made an effort to prepare for its coming, but in the face of a mad 
world. 

JUDGE J. W. WOLTZ: — Under prohibition a man brings home his 
entire pay envelope to his wife. He comes home good-natured, not 
half drunk. 

J. A. WAYLAND: — No man ever looked into the frank, blue eyes 
of Eugene Debs but felt the thrill of seeing an open soul of a man 
without guile. 

T. C. WIDDICOMBE:— Why don't most ministers and priests, when 
speaking about God Almighty, say Almighty Dollar — what they 
mean — and not humbug and deceive the general public? 

REV. W. A. WARD: — Hew does it happen that kings and rich men- 
sit high in your temples? Such a system will have to change- 
None need labor more than four hours a day. 

67 



THE NEW SOLIDARITY, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS SEPT ' 1S » W29 















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'^^^bfc^S^-jH^Sr- 




rt *"^— "^ 


¥ S£s^^ 




^^av^^*^ 



CHARLES HARRIS WHITAKER:— The housing problem cannot be 
solved until the land problem is dealt with. 

FRANK WALKLIN: — I have covered many murder trials, but never 
have I seen one man deliberately enter a contest, knowing he must 
pit his legal wits against six others, until I saw George F. Vander- 
veer take up the case of the eleven men accused of the Armistice 
Day murder at Centralia. . . . He never hurries, although you rec- 
ognize energy in every movement. He is the kind of man who 
would deliberate until he had reached a decision and then go into 
action like a wildcat. 

JOHN SKELTON WILLIAMS:— One bank reported a loan of $3.50 
to a woman for six days for $1.50 interest, or 2,400 per cent. 

C. E. S. WOOD: — We are still living in the feudal age, because we 
are misled by effects. We often fail to see the real cause of things. 
War is not caused by enmity between the people of nations, but 
because of commercial friction between the propertied "master 
classes" which control the governments. 

GREGORY ZILBOORG:— If a man were shut in a room, filled with 
books containing all the wisdom of the world, and lived long enough 
to absorb them all, and died there, he might be the wisest man in 
the world; but he would also bs the most useless. 

NATIONAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE of the Socialist Board of 
the U. S.: — Our fight is not against parties or spokesmen of parties; 
our fight is against the Capitalist System. — (Edmund T. Melms, Wm. 
M. Brandt, Jas. O'Neal, Wm. H. Henry, Bertha H. Mailly, George 
E. Boewer jr., John Hagel, Otto Branstetter.) 

HULET M. WELLS:— The trait of hero worship ... is the most 
aimless and abortive tendency in the field of social reform. ... It 
leads a mad stampede away from an orderly movement toward 
concentration of power ... to follow some Messiah. . . . Hardly 
has the ovation died away before a new demigod arises. 

FRANK A. VANDERLIP:— Labor should have its voice in control. 
... I am perfectly aware that there are great injustices under this 
form of industry. 

FRANK P. WALSH: — Use organized power to get back the land, 
the forests, the minerals and, water-power franchises which were 
stolen from the people by fraud, force and cunning. 

69 



SAYINGS BY MR. FORD 



Below are a few of the many sayings of Mr. Ford which 
were gathered by us since about 1915. We now have 
these clippings and the names of the papers or maga- 
zines in which they appeared, together with the 
dates, on file at the office of the Bureau of Information. 

I see no use in spending time about Heaven and Hell. . . . We want 
to take care of today. . . . Charity takes more than it gives. 

The difference between me and a capitalist is that I earn my living 
honestly. I produce. A capitalist loans out his money, collects his 
interest and lets the others do the work. 

I would teach the child at the mother's knee what a horrible thing 
war is, that preparation for war can enly end in war. War is 
murder. Millions of men are driven to slaughter by the system of 
murder, training men to kill other men. I found out who wanted 
war, and I am going to tell the people about them. 

I am not going to stop until I have ten million subscriptions to my 
weekly magazine. 

Why fear change? No one will be hurt in the good changes, even 
the idle nobleman. Get the gambling aristocrats and the capitalists 
to work. Unless we in our industries are helping to solve the social 
problems, we are not doing our principal work. 

The workingmen of the United States are not getting a square deal. 

I am righting the capitalists with their own tools. 

Our danger is internal. We are confronted by the -danger of mili- 
tarism. 

None has the right to incite the war spirit who will not himself be 
one of the first to shoulder a rifle and march to the front. 

Everyone has some good in him and can do something well. Most 
people eat too much, sleep too much, and don't think enough. 

Be the life work of the man — to strike with everything he com- 
mands at what he declares to be the direct cause of all wars. 








GEORGE R. KIRKPATRICK 



FRANK HARRIS 




JAMES LARKIN 



BOB MINOR 



SAYINGS BY MR. FORD 



How many newspapers in the United States today try to tell the 
plain truth, so that people can know just what is the truth ? Not 
very many. 



What I want to do is to make the farmer as independent as I am. 
I practice no charity. I give nothing- for which I do not receive 
compensation. 



If the large business men of the world would make it their religion 
to see that their men are paid a wage that will make them con- 
tented, instead of working hand-in-glove with the military men to 
fatten their wallets, the recruiting officers for the militarists would 
have even a harder job to get disciples. I shall expect the sneers 
and condemnation of those whose business is war, and of those who 
profit by war. 

I used to go to church once a year — on Easter Sunday. I don't 
do that now;. 

If I were to live with the future generations of Europe I would 
urge the people to repudiate the debts that are being piled up by 
their governments in war. I believe it is the duty of the people 
to repudiate them. 

The' workingman is beginning to realize that it is not the rulers of 
the nations who make war. I firmly believe that every man who 
deliberately devotes his life to the trade of a soldier is either lazy 
or crazy. 

It is my firm conviction that war would seldom occur if individuals 
did not make money out of war. What I fear at this juncture is 
the machinations of those roaring lions who really are the tools of 
the interests which make money out of war. 

War is murder, the waster of lives and homes and lands, and "pre- 
paredness" has never prevented war. 



History is more or less bunk. The trouble with the world is we're 
living in books and history. We want to get away from that and 
take care of today. We've done too much looking back. 

Let us have disarmament; let us show that we mean peace. The 
"preparedness" now being preached is nothing but a criminal waste. 

73 




J. O. STEARNS, Jr. 

A leading lawyer of Oregon, who is now chief counsel. 

for Frank Bonville. 



SAYINGS BY MR. FORD 



The pity of it is that this same war talk is allowed to take up the 
columns of newspapers and magazines that could be used towards 
the inspiration of peace. 

Let any hostile army or navy today or any other time move against 
the United States and anything- that I have is at the disposal of 
the country for defense. And I would not take a cent of profit. 

As old Lew Dockstader remarks truthfully, if jokingly, "The two 
best friends of the United States are the Atlantic and Pacific 
Oceans." 

Millions of men, every one of them a husband, a son, a father, or a 
brother, have gone to their death on the battlefields of Europe. 
There is sorrow in millions of homes. 

I ran for senator. I did not get elected, but it taught me how those 
fellows carry elections — those who want war. They are the same 
bunch the world over. I carried the State of Michigan, but they 
counted me out. 

This is where you newspaper men . . . ought to turn your attention 
to the working conditions in this country and tell the truth about 
them. Then you would be doing something for the good of the race. 
Now you are a detriment. You are fooling the people, and you will 
pay for it some day. 

But when we think that millions of men are driven to slaughter 
by the system of murder, I feel that this cry for the training of 
men to kill other men and for the placing of an army and navy 
as a burden on the backs of the people is a false conception of 
patriotism. 

The histories have been stories of war, with the horrors and the 
destruction glossed oyer and passed upon casually, while the men 
who took part in it all were glorified. The chapters began and 
ended with wars. The lines spoke the glory of war, but did not tell 
of the thousands of ruined homes and sorrowing women who waited 
and wept. Nor did they dwell at length on the destruction of indus- 
try and the material growth of the country. 

The world today needs men — not those whose minds and will power 
have been weakened or destroyed by the injurious cigarette. 

75 




CELESTINO GASCA 

Governor of the Federal District of Mexico, 

and former mechanic and shoemaker. 
Celestiijo Gasca has had a hand in the set- 
tlement of most of the strikes in that re- 
gion and his influence has been used in- 
variably to get the workers better wages 
and working conditions. Those workers 
who did not know Ga-?ca before have found 
out in the recent strikes lhat he is always 
with them and always against the capi- 
talists. 




ALLAN BENSON 







^"'•-i^^-H^--^-- ~', ~~- ~Jl/££^r£~r!^ ~.~ 7 ' r ~'~~ 



*=~sr 



SAYINGS BY MR. FORD 



The militaristic government now is being preached throughout the 
land by men, by newspaper men, by magazines, moving pictures. 
Militarism is advocated. And it is all done under the guise of 
patriotism. The flag is flaunted before the eyes of the people and 
we are told that our "national honor" is at stake. 

The people must stop thinking of the Government as something be- 
yond them. The people are the Government. Every American is a 
stockholder in his Government. 

I chanced to be in New York the day President Wilson broke off 
diplomatic relaticns with Germany and with my own eyes I saw 
flags run up all over Wall Street. There was no doubt about that. 
Those people wanted the United States to get into war. They 
publicly rejoiced and hoisted their flags to show their "patriotism." 
What patriotism ? For what there was in it. There you had a living 
picture of the influence which causes wars, a brazen illustration that 
the blood "of possibly millions of our boys means nothing to men who 
can make money out of fighting. 

But I also noticed another thing. While the flags were out and 
there was public rejoicing that this country was to be plunged into 
the slaughter and the speculators were rushing around like mad to 
take advantage of the new crop of blood money in sight, there was 
not a single evidence that the "patriotism" of these people went a 
step beyond. There was no rush to get into the trenches, because 
these speculators were surging around to provide for the grim busi- 
ness of modern warfare, and do not care who wins or loses so long 
as they continue to get the money. 

We are in a condition which must change or break. It is not 
merely the spirit of change that is upon us. We are in a condition 
the like of which was never seen before. It is the result of the total 
breakdown of old ideals, old safeguards, and old standards of per- 
sonal righteousness. The world is looking for leaders. Hearing 
the candidates one would think that we lived in a Garden of Eden 
and that all the problems of the world were overseas. We shall have 
to save ourselves before we can hope to save anyone else. 

They refuse to remember that England, during the present war, with 
absolute control of the sea, required 33 days to move 30,000 troops, 
UNEQUIPPED, from one friendly port, Quebec, to another friendly 
port, Southampton. Yet they tell you glibly of 400,000 enemies 
landing on our shores almost over night. 

77 




JOSEPH HILLSTROM 



FRANK LITTLE 



Organizer and General Executive Board 

Member of the I. W. W., Murdered 

by gunmen in Butte, Montana, 

August 1, 1917. 



SAYINGS BY MR. FORD 



The worker is going to end the conditions that allow the man he- 
places above him to give that murderous order; to cause him to seek 
the life of a brother worker in another land and send that brother 
searching in turn for his blood. And I would assist this worker to 
educate his children from the cradle to think only in terms of peace, 
to hate war and all the accoutrements of war, and strive forever to 
drive from the world this spirit of murder. 

The workers are going to put an end to the system that tears them 
away from their families against their will to murder their foreign 
brother workers. 

Why should anyone have secrets if he is honest? Why should he- 
care who knows what he knows? 

A two-cent stamp rightly used will hold in the hands of the people 
the ruling power. 

Eighty per cent of the people in cities are living artificial lives. 

I will devote life and fortune to combating the spirit of militarism. 

Most railroad presidents are "messenger boys" for Wall Street. 

Take away the capitalist and you sweep war from the earth. 




AM GREED! I AM MERCILESS, INSATIABLE! BEWARE! 



79 




EMMA GOLDMAN 




MOTHER JONES 



RENA MOONEY 

Acquitted and freed on bail, after 22 
months' imprisonment. 




MAX EASTMAN 




To the Public of 
America 
and to the 
Working Class 
Especially: 



The Bureau of Information 
is endeavoring to put before the 
people facts that are of vital 
interest to the working class, 
and to the people as a whole. 

Our representative who will 
come amongst you is lecturing o. A. stener 

and soliciting the sale of books 

and literature that we, the Bureau of Information, are putting out, 
and will put out in the future. 

If you find that our literature is of any value, and if you think 
it is of enough importance, we would request you to lend all assist- 
ance possible in placing our literature before the public, in order that 
the public may be advised through said literature of the very impor- 
tant facts that they are in need of knowing, in order to understand 
from what the people as a whole are suffering. Times are moving 
and are pregnant with things, and the future holds great opportu- 
nities for us if we make use of them. 

Hoping that you will take this into consideration and act in ac- 
cordance, we are 

Yours sincerely, 

BUREAU OF INFORMATION. 



81 








HELEN KELLER 



CLYDE H. TAVENNER 




—Drawn expressly for the Leader by B. 0. Fobs 

atwkaia to Bertwt Jobwon is tbc Country Gentleman 



TWO CLASSES IN SOCIETY 

^y James H. Fisher. 

There are two dominant classes in capitalist society — 

The Rich and the Poor 

The Have-alls and the Have-nots 

The Nonproducers and the Producers 

The Capitalist Class and the Working Class. 

There is a struggle going on between these classes, a struggle 
that all the babble of press, politician and pulpit cannot stop; a 
struggle that grows more intense and bitter with every day of 
history. 

The manifestations of this struggle are many. Strikes, lockouts, 
the International of Labor, the League of Brigands, Ludlow, West 
Virginia, the blood atrocities of the Hungarian White Guard, the 
mighty battle of the Russian Revolution. 

More and more this final conflict is shaping itself into one for 
political power. 

This system is based upon ruling-class ownership of the earth 
and the machines of production. The soul of production under this 
regime of plunder is "PROFIT." And this is how it is made: 

The working class having nothing on the face of the earth ex- 
cepting their power to labor, are forced, if they would live, to sell 
it to the capitalist class who own factory, mine and mill. 

Now bear with me just a moment whilst we reduce all varieties 
of work down to labor — abstract labor. 

A is a Red Man 
B is a Black Man 
C is a Yellow Man 
D is a White man 

They all differ, yet they have something in common. 

What? 

They are all men. 

A is an Apple Tree 
B is a Pear Tree 
C is a Cherry Tree 
D is a Mulberry Tree 

83 




WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD 



Differ? Certainly. Same? Yes. How? They are all trees, 

A represents a Plumber's labor 

B represents that of a Baker 

C represents that of a Miner 

D represents the labor of a Machinist 

Differ ? Yes. 

Same? Yes. 

In What? 

They all labor. 

Marx, in his summary cf this twofold nature of labor, says: 
"On the one hand all labor is, speaking physiologically, an expends 
ture of human labor-power, and in its character of identical abstract 
human labor, it creates and forms the value of commodities. On the 
other hand, all labor is the expenditure of human labor-power in a 
special form and with a definite aim, and in this, its character of 
concrete, useful labor, it produces use-values." 

Thus, as with illustration one and two, so with that of three* 
The work of Carpenter, Blacksmith, Miner, Engineer, Machinist, etc.* 
etc., though they differ in the concrete, they are the samfe in the 
abstract. Though one use his energy in hanging doors, the other 
making horseshoes, another digging coal, and so forth, nevertheless 
"THEY ALL EXPEND HUMAN ENERGY." 

This labor power the workers sell, the masters buy, use it, and 
exploit the workers. 

And this is how it's done: 

A signifies the time you start work, say 7 a. m. 

B signifies the hour you have produced the equivalent of the 

wages for that day. 
C signifies the end of the day's toil, say 7 p. m. 

Therefore : — 

A B C 

(7 a.m.) (9 a.m.) (7 p.m.) 

| to- II— to 1 

Is what you get Is what you don't g^t. It goes to the 

of what you have Capitalists, 

produced. 

From B to C is what we call Surplus Value; it is the sum total 
of Rent, Interest and Profit. 

85 





SENATOR LA FOLLETTE 



E. TEESDALE 




EAMON DE VALERA 



HULET M. WELLS 



So long as this condition is the cornerstone of society, the work- 
ing class can expect nothing but increased suffering, cruel insecurity 
of, livelihood, poverty and grief. 

We are but peddlers of a commodity — packages of merchandise — 
and, at best, so long as we straggle simply on hours and wages 
we can but act as a resistance to the ever-encroaching system and 
its exploitations. 

Should we then cease our everyday struggles with the employers ? 
No. But we should at all times strive to interest, educate, centralize 
and organize the workers for the abolition of this thrice accursed 
system. 

Common Ownership must displace Private Property. For Use, 
that of Sale. But this can only be done by intelligent, aggressive, 
disciplined organization. 

Let us to our task with a will 



ORGANIZED 



LABOR 




r**>S«H« 



A NEW READING OF AN OLD PARABLE 

The Capitalist: "We have come down to bind thee." 
Samson: "Go to it!" 




COLUMBUS 




PATRICK HENRY, 



jll#iii 




ROBERT SMILLIE 

The Britih Miners' Leader 




WALTER THOMAS MILLS 



REMARKS FROM "ARGUMENT IN DEFENSE 
OF THE COMMUNISTS 9 ' 

By CLARENCE DARROW 



[This book contains 116 pages, retails for 50 cents, and can be 
secured at Raymer's Old Book Store, Seattle, Washington. We, the 
Bureau of Information, advise the public to read this bock. We find 
more truth in this publication than in any other literature that we 
can secure in regard to the General Strike of Seattle, and also infor- 
mation in regard to the ballot box.] 



I like America; I was born here; I know its people. . . . 

There is no legislature that can pass a law that will make me 
think black is white; I know better; and there is no court that can 
decide a case that will make me think black is white. I might stand 
it, but it would not change my opinion. 

. . . There will be strikes until the industrial system is changed, 
Is there any reason on earth why the poor should not control in- 
dustry? ... 

... Gentlemen, you would be slaves today if you had depended 
on voting. Men might never vote and they might get their rights* 
and they might vote forever and be slaves. 

If you only get what you voted for, you would get mighty little. 
Voting is a habit. ... I generally vote when there is something im- 
portant. I sometimes vote, but for the life of me I do not know 
where my vote ever brought results. ... 

I say again that a strike — a general strike or a special strike — 
is perfectly lawful. If a general strike results in violence, you may 
punish the violator, and that is all. . . . Lawyers sometimes think 
they are the bosses, but nature is the boss; and if lawyers had sense 
enough to conform their endeavors to natural lines they would not 
make such fools of themselves. They would not be everlastingly 
flying in the face of what must be. . . . 

. . . You have a perfect right to change any law or custom or 
institution by a strike the same as by a ballot. 

... I have the right to urge men not to work until any law is 
changed. It has been done over and over and over in the history 
of the world, and it will be done more and more. 

89 



NO, YOU DONT 




Morris drew this cartoon after learning of the action of farmer officials in 
North Dakota in stopping: the grain combine from buying: wheat at future prices, 
30 cents below the prevailing cash price. North Dakota papers friendly to the 
farmers aided the officials in exposing and preventing the attempted $6,000,000 steal. 



THE DETROTT JOURNAL- MAY n. "117 




A PECULIAR IDEA OF FAIRNFSS 



Does man live by the ballot alone ? How many of you men are 
members of unions ? Most of you have the eight-hour law. Did you 
wait to vote to get it? Did you get it by any vote you ever cast? 
I say no. How did they get the eight-hour day in this country? 
I have read the history of it. I was present with some of it. I 
know how it came about. I know it came by workingmen laying 
down their tools and saying, "We will no longer work until we get 
an eight-hour day." 

Let me tell you what happened. After that was over and after 
the victory was won, then these time-servers, these politicians who 
make up the legislatures of most of the states of the Union, in order 
to get the union vote, passed laws making an eight-hour work-day. 
No law was passed until after the victory was won. . . . 

We have now pretty generally an eight-hour working day in 
America. Some time we will have a shorter one. . . . 

There are too many law-makers. There is Congress; the Senate 
and the President and the Supreme Court and the State Legislatures 
and another Supreme Court and Lawyers and everybody else to be 
satisfied before you get it, and you would die before you could vote 
it to yourself. 

That is the way you have got it in the past, and that is the way 
you will get it in the future. 

I don't object to voting. I seldom miss a chance. But there are 
many things in this world besides voting; many, many things, and 
voting is a very small part of a man's life, and very, very few are 
the things he gets from it, but the way these gentlemen talk one 
would think that all you had to do was to go out and vote. 

I could call attention to strike after strike. The French strike, 
one of the last strikes threatened. The strike of the English miners 
and railroad men, where they refused to mine coal or haul cars if 
they were to be used to send troops to Russia. These men had 
political power. They were voters and they said to Lloyd George: 
"If you want to send soldiers to Russia, that is trying, after long 
ages of tyranny, to breathe the free air of men, that is fighting the 
age-long battles of freedom — if you undertake to send an English- 
man, or a pound of coal, we who work deep down in the earth, who 
dig this coal for the use of men, will refuse longer to work or to 
run the trains." They did not wait for another election, when they 
might be swindled or juggled out of something, but they struck and 
won their fight. . . . 

Nothing takes the place of work, of energy, of devotion, of 
standing for your rights, of individual action. . . . The ballot — it is 

91 



**&*■ 



►*' 




$60 bonus 
1 uniform 
Unemployment 
Destitution 
Charity 

DISCONTENT 



350,000 courtsmartial 
Profiteering- 
Hight cost of living- 
Compulsory military training 

(permanent militarism) 
2,000 per cent profit 

UNREST 



good in its place, but its place is secondary — its place comes after 
organization; it comes after all the forces that have made us great 
and that have made us free. . . . 

What is "legal freedom"? It is a tricky catch-phrase that has 
ever been used to enslave men. 

My clients are abused because the Communist Labor Party ex- 
pressed sympathy for the I. W. W. I have read more or less about 
the Industrial Workers of the World. I know where the newspapers 
have placed them. They have been so persecuted and condemned 
that most men in America hesitate to sympathize with them, and 
yet, gentlemen, they have done a work for a class of workers that 
no other labor organization could do or ever did do. 

They have a right to proselyte, they have the right to their 
opinion, and to make their opinion heard. That is what I plead for. 



LETTER OF INDORSEMENT FROM THEODORE DEBS, 
BROTHER OF EUGENE DEBS 

Mr. Frank Bonville: 

My dear Sir: Please allow me to thank you most warmly for 
my brother and myself for the two copies of your. "What Henry 
Ford Is Doing," which have just been received in good order. I 
am unable at this time to get the copy intended for my brother 
into his hands, as matters of this kind, if sent to the prison, would 
not be admitted. . . . 

A comrade at San Diego had already sent me a copy of your 
valuable book. ... I have found it intensely interesting for the 
reason that it holds so much that is vital; so much that applies to 
our present economic and industrial life. ... As a matter of refer- 
ence it is invaluable. 

Thanking you again, and trusting it may have the very widest 
circulation, I am Sincerely, 

[Signed] THEODORE DEBS. 



JIM FISHER: — The working people will soon have control. 

W. EARL FLYNN:— Let us all be our own doctor. 

93 




THOMAS PAINE 



DANIEL WEBSTER 



RECOMPENSE 

Bv BERTUCCIO DANTINO 



Ye have given up the best hours of the day, 

Ye have toiled from the cradle to the grave, 

Ye have suffered all the ills of poverty, 

Ye have been denied the luxuries of life, 

Ye have been cowed and browbeaten by "authority," 

Ye have been slandered and lampooned, 

Mocked and imprisoned for asserting your rights, 

Deceived and degraded by those you support; 

Your wives and daughters made the prey of wolves 

In human form who have lied to and cajoled them 

Into "white slavery" or have forced them 

Into lives of shame for daily bread. 

Ye have given wealth to idle drones; 
Ye have furnished milady with means 
Wherewith she has bought diamond collars 
For imported poodles, and given monkey 
Dinners to pimps and cadets. 
Ye have furnished milord with limousines 
And the wherewithal to keep his mistresses 
In elegant apartments and swill champagne; 
Ye have supplied the wealth that puts yachts 
In the hands of the idle spawn of plutocracy — 
And what do ye get for it all? 
What is thy recompense? 

The right to suffer in silence 

All the indignities thrust upon you 

By thankless parasites that feed upon 

Your flesh and blood; that lie about you 

And insult you when you demand 

Your common rights! 

When will ye arise and claim your own, 

Your well-earned recompense? 



95 




THE ENDLESS CHAIN 



LIST OF NAMES OF INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE 

\fa)RLD, SOME OF WHOM HAVE BEEN IN JAIL, OTHERS 

ARE IN JAIL, OTHERS OUT ON BOND, 

OTHERS INDICTED 



These are only a few names of the thousands who are in the same 

place. 

[Taken from the "Labor Defender," May, 1918. Also from a 
publication named "Truth About the I. W. W.," by Jack Phillips. 
Most of them taken from the "One Big Union Monthly," March, 
1920.] 



Ahlteen, Carl 
Avila, John 
Anderson, C. S. 
Anderson, O. B. 
Azuara, A. V. 
Ashliegh, Chas. 
Adams, George 
Andreytchine, George 
Albin, Alex. 
Adams, S. M. 
Andersen, E. 
Aelxander, George 
Allen, Wesley 

Allman, 

Amy, Bill 
Anderson, C. W. 
Anderson, Chas. 
Anderson, Elmer 
Anderson, Henning 
Anderson, Lars 
Anthony, Miles 

Arnold, 

Austin, W. W. 

Brazier, Richard 
Baskett, J. R. 
Bourg, G. J. 
Brown, Roy 
Baldazzi, John 
Blanco, Julio 
Boose, Arthur 
Buckley, Dan 
Bailey, Geo. 
Bennett, Chas. 
Beyer, J. H. 
Bobba, R. J. 
Burch, Jas. 
Babcock, Nathaniel 
Banker, Bert 
Barr, Albert 
Bates, C. E. 



Beesaw, Herbert 
Bauer, G. 
Beauchamp, S. 
Bennett, Geo. 
Benton, Tom 
Berg, E. 
Bergdorff, Ralph 
Bergland, Aug. 
Beyer, John Henry 

Bickert, 

Biddiscomb, Henry 

Bjorkman, 

Blaine, Robt. 
Blumberg, A. M. 
Boggio, Alex. 
Boh, F. 

Botsford, M. E. 
Boyd, E. M. 
Bridges, Wm. T. 
Brodahl, John 
Broman, Leonard 
Brooks, Albert 
Brown, L. H. 
Brown, Roy A. 
Burke, John 
Burmeister, Alfred 
Burns, Ed 
Bussert, P. 
Butts, Charley 

Buzart, 

Byerly, Roy 
Barlow, John 
Barr, A. A. 

Curnos, Alex 
Clark, Stanley 
Corder, Ray 
Culver, R. S. 
Cole, McGregor 
Cunningham, Ed. 
Core, Pedro 



Condit, Ernest P. 

Cadweil, 

Caffrey, John 
Cage, Robert S. 
Cairns, Blair 
Campbell, J. W. 
Carey, Ed. S. 
Carlson, Chas. 
Carpenter, A. L. 
Carr, J. 
Carroll, Jos. 
Cassidy, F. J. 
Cedno, Felix 
Chaplin, Ralph H. 
Chesley, Guy 
Christ, Arthur C. 
Clark, Bill 
Clark, Joe 
Clifford, Chas. 
Collins. John 
Collins, Wm. 
Common, Arthur 
Corella, "Vincent 
Connelly, Tom 
Connor, Roy P. 
Corder, Raymond 
Cournos, Alex. 
Culver, Roger S. 
Curley, Jack 
Currey, 

Dembicki, Stanley 
Doran, J T. 
Davis, C. W. 
Dailey, Pete 
Doree, E F. 
Decker, Roy 
Derinson, Arthur 
DeLorengo, Jas. 
Donahue, Dan 
Drew, Harry 



en 




F. J. DIXON, M. L. A. REV. WILLIAM IVENS, M. L. A. 

Two members of the International Free Trader who opposed war have been arrested 
and tried for their alleged seditious activities in connection with 
the Winnipeg Strike. 



Solidarity, jvkv 23, 191? 




THE I. *'.' W TS OPENING THE D'->ORS— CLOSE THEM IF YOU CAN' 



Davis, Jim 
Dymond, John 
Downing, Mortimer 
Diamond, Albert 
Dalrymple, John 
Draves, Fritz 
Dsvries, J. 
Dailey, Oliver 
Davis, Tom 
Deloff, Vitan 
Dempsey, Roy 
Deneke, W. 
Dicks, Edw. F. 
Dietz, D. S. 
Dirk, Bill 
Diska, Mike 
Dougherty, T. F. G. 
Doyle, Jack 
Drew, Harry 
Dubay, Alex 
Duffy, Jas. 
Duke, Chas. 
Dupree, 

Elliott, Jas. 
Edwards, Forrest 
Evans, Henry 
Esmond, Frederick 
Ettor, Jos. J. 
Eastman, Phineas 
Eder, A. 
Eisner, Otto 

Ellison, 

Embree, A. S. 
Enright, Amos 
Erickson, Svan 
Erickson, Earl 
Extell, J. J. 

Fraser, Ted 
Friedkin, Meyer 
Foss, J. M. 
Fanning, Ray 
Fletcher, Benj. 
Ford, J. D. 
Forbes, Sam 
Fox, A. L. 
Faust, W. H. 
Farmer, Steele 
Fabio, B. E. 
Foley, Joe 
Flynn, Elizabeth G. 
Fisher, Sam 
Fishbein, J. 
Farner, Henry 
Fitzwilliams, Michael 



Fleury, Frank 
Ford, Wm. 
Fox, A. L. 
Francik, Wncil 
Franzen, Jacob 

Grabcr, Joe 
George, Harrison 
Griffin, C. R. 
Green, P. 
Gresback, Jos. 
Garner, Joe 
Gibson, Chas. 
Gordon, O. E. 
Gossard, Jim 
Grave, John 
Grove, Wm. 
Giesberg, Otto 
Giltner, H. A. 
Goulder, Fred 
Garcia, Chas. 
Gordon, Jos. 
Gaveel, Jack 
Giovannitti, Arturo 
Gilday, Jas. 
Gallagher, F. 3. 
Gavin, Wm. 
Gehrig, H. 
Gergots, T jOuis J. 
Gilbertson, Reidar 
Gilloran, Pat 

Glauzman, 

Gourland, W. A. 
Grady, John 
Grau, Fred 
Graves, L. 
Gresback, Joe 
Griffith, J. A. 

Groener, 

Gross, Lawrence 
Guiney, Neal 
Guldahl, Adolph 

Hamilton, Edw. 
Haight, Harrison 
Hardy, Geo. 
Higgins, Peter 
Haywood, Wm. D. 
Huber, E. 
Hecht, M. 

Hendrickson, Simon 
Hibbard, Ed. 
Hinglbiu, John 
Hunter. Ira H. 
Hood, Wm. 
Harpen, Jos. 



Haney, Geo. 
Hough, Clyde 
Humphrey, F. 
Hall, W. E. 
Haney, Geo. 
Hanson, 



Harris, Henry 
Hawkins, T. E. 

Healey, 

Hecht, Morris 
Heitmiller, E. A. 
Helms, H. 
Helt, F. 
Henricson, Gus 
Herd, H. E. 
Herman, F. 
Hibbard, Edw. 
Hicok, S. B. 
Hirschberg, Walter 

Hoffman, 

Hoffman, J. 
Hofstede, E. 
Holm, Carl 
Horn, — 



Houghton, John 
Houn, M. 
Hughes, Wm. 

Ingar, Dave 

Jacobs, Ches. 
Jaakkola, Fred 
Justh, Otto 
Johanson, Ragnar 
Jacobson, Chas. 
Jones, J. E. 
Johnson, Frank 
Jones, C. A. 
Jacobs, Carl 

Jacobs, 

Jenkins, Thos. A- 
Joacson, John 
Johnson, Alarick 
Johnson, Chas. 
Johnson, David 
Johnson, Fred 
Johnson, J. S. 
Johnson, J. W. 
Jones, Hayes 
Jones, John 
Jones, L. M. 

Keanan, J. 
Kane, H. J. 
Kerkonen, Peter 
Kratspiger, Chas. 



99 




AND SHE CAME SO WELL RECOMMENDED, TOO! 



Kurinsky, Phil 
Kornuk, Wm. 
Klein, Ben 
Kimball, A. P. 

Kaciemeyer, 

Kadjiu, 

Kappen, Frank 

Keeler, 

Kelley, W. O. 
Kelliher, Dennie 
Kelly, J. 
Kennedy, Jos. 

Kiefer, 

Killen, Olan 
Kircher, W. 
Kirkby, Carl 
Klabo, H. 
Kobak, Joe 
Kobler, 



Koenig, Chas. 
Koike, T. 

Koloch, 

Kopp, Geo. 
Korner, R. 
Kosa, 



Kramer, Frank 
Krieger, Chas. 
Kruber, 

Lorton, Bert 
Lloyd, Harry 
Lewis, W. H. 
Lambert, Chas. 
Levine, Morris 
Lossieff, V. 
Law, Jack 
Laukki, Leo 
Lancaster, Ar'ell 
Latchem, E. W. 
Lambert, Ray 
Lyons, V. W. 
Little, W. F. 
Long, Geo. 

Lanikos, 

La Casale, Nickola 
Lambert, R. A. 
Lang, Victor 
Latche, E. W. 
Lassi, Robt. 
Lewis, A. R. 
Lind, Gus 
Lipscomb, W. H. 
Lukla, Matt 
Lund, Fred 

McCusham, E. J. 



MacKinnon, Chas. 
McCarty, Joe 
Moran, W. 
Marlott, W. G. 
Mahler, Herbert 
McWhirt, Chas. 
McEvoy, Peter 
Manning, J. 
Mattingly, Wm. 
McDonald, J. A. 
Miller, Francis 
McCarl, Harry 
Monahan, Pat 
Murphy, Sam 
Martin, Ed. 
Meyer, Otto 
Mulrooney, Jas. H. 
Miller, W. L. 
Moran, Frank 
Meyers, Fred 
Mason, Tom 
Murphy, John Doe 
Munson, H. H. 

Mowes, 

Marlatt, N. G. 
Martinez, A. 
Martin, John 
Mattson, Edw. 
Mattingly, W. E. 
Miller, Francis 
McCarthy, Joe 
McWhirt, Chas. 
McGuckin, H E. 
McEvoy, Peter 
McCutcheson, Herbert 
McKinnon, Chas. H. 
McDonald, J. A. 
McDonald, Geo. 
Madison, Nels 
Maihak, Paul 
Maki, Sandor 
Manning, Jas. 
Mara, E. J. 

Marhoff, 

Marhow, Golf S. 
Martin, Frank J. 
Martin, Joe 
Martin, Pete 
Mason, Albert 

Matson, 

Mathson, Matt 
McAvoy, John 
McCarthy, Dennis 
McLeod, Roy 
McDonald, E. E. 
McDougahl, John 



McKenzie, Ja*. 
McKensie, Wm. D. 
McMurphy, J. J. 
McNicoll, E. 
McQuillan, Pat 
Meade, W. E. 

i H D. 
Mee, Paddy 
M ha, Lorenza 
Miama, Chas. 

Miller, 

Miller, F. 
Miller, Fred 
Miller, G. 
Miller, H. 
M Her, Louis 
Milosh, Mike 
Mische, Louis 
Montgomery, Curley 
Montgomery, E. L. 
Moore, Lyman 
Moran, Frank 
Moran, Wm. 
Morgan, Fred 
Mulroomey, Jas. H. 
Mundy, P. 
Mundey, Pete 
Murphy, Joe 
Murphy, Jim 
Murray, Bernard 
Murray, Dan 

Nelson, Fred 
Nigra, Pietro 
Nef, W. T. 
Nielsen, John N. 
Nerat, John 
Nolan, Jas. 
Numcoff, Geo. 
Nelson, W. N. 

Nelson, 

Nolan, 

Normi, Nestor 

Oates, J. 
O'Hair, J. V. 
O'Day, Thos. 
O'Brien, John 
O'Brien, J. L. 
O'Connor, Harvey 
Olsen, Chas. 
Olsen, E. L. 
Ostrum, Eric 

Fahjola, A. 
Pan:ner, John 



101 




ERRICO MALATESTA 

Leader of the Syndicalist-Anarchist 
branch of the Italian Labor Movement. 
It was his influence which persuaded 
half a million metal workers to occupy 
anu operate their factories. 




ELIZABETH GURLEY FLYNN 



Miss Flynn was first brought into 
(he public eye at 15 in the East Side 
labor agitation in New York City in 
1892. She was arrested for speaking 
to laborers in the street. 



Tarenti, Louis 
Parson, John 
Pasewalk, Walter 
Paterson, John 
Patterscon, John 
Patton, Frank 
Paul, Dan 
Perich, John 
Perry, Grover H. 
Peterson, Win. 
Phelan, J. B. 
Phillips, Jas. 

Pierog, 

Pika, Paul 
Plahn, Chas. 
Poe, Robt. 
Pollock, Theodora 
Prashner, Albert 1 
Price, Js. 
Pujol, J. 
Parenti, Paul 
Person, John 
Panovich, Nick 
Preston, W. W. 

Quinn, Mike 

Rey, Manuel 
Rice, C. H. 
Rowan, Jas. 
Rodriguez, A. 
Reeder, Wm. 
Roberts, Glenn 
Rothfisher, Chas. 
Ross, Tom 
Ruby, Joe 
Roe, Robt. 
Riley, Frank 
Ryan, Geo. 
Ritter, Fred C. 
Reiley, Frank 
Russell, Frank 
Sogers, J. E. 
Reed, Herman 
Rowan, Ed. 
Radunz, H. 

Randall, 

Rantio, Ernest 
Ratti, Jos. 
Ray, Wm. 
Reed, Henry 
Regan, Joe 
Regan, Robt. 
Reilly, Frank 
Reisier, Theodore 
Robey, Jack 



Robinson, Edgar 
Rovinson, Sam 
Rudolph, Axel 
Russell, L. C. 

Rustemann, 

Ryan, J. F. 
Ryan, Jas. 
Ryan, Jos. 

Saffores, Basile 
Salv, Tom 
Sample, Roy 
Sandberg, W. 
Santelli, Vincent 
Sapper, Michael 
Sarrazin, Emery 
Scarlett, Sam 
Schmidt, Otto 
Schmucker, Wm. 
Schnell. Carl 
Schneider, F. 
Schoenberger, C. 
Schrager, Ben 

Schwandt, 

Scott, Robt. 
Scott, Thos. 
Seidler, P. 
Shannon, Ed. 
Selzer, Jos. 
Shea, John 
Shepherd, Chris 
Sheridan, Don 
Sherman, N. E. 
Shuren, Stephen 
Sihto, Jack 
Simpson, Jas. 
Sinclair, Archie 
Slovick, Jas. 
Smith, Arthur J. 
Smith, Bernard 
Smith, C. L. 
Smith, Eugene 
Smith, Joe 
Smith, M. J. 
Smith, R. 
Smith, Walker C. 
Smith, Walter 

Solan, 

Sontag, Carl 
Soper, Anton E. 
Spanberg, A. 
Spealman, Frank 
Speed, Geo. 
Stangeland, Albert 
Stark, Leo 
Stenberg, Siegfried 



Stephens, Jos. 
Stevens, W. K. 
St. John, Vincent 
Stolke, T. 
Strang, Warner 
Strom, Geo. 
Strom, Walter 

Struber, 

Sullivan, Frank 
Sullivan, Mike 
Swanson, Oscar 
Swenson, Alrik 
Schmidt, Jos. 
Shorey, Wm. 
Schram, Abe 
Sullivan, J. P. 
Shurrin, S. 
Santilli, Vincent 
Seine, E. 

Turner, J. I. 
Trotter, Harry 
Thompson, Jas. P. 
Tanner, Wm. 
Travis, Frank 
Tori, Louis 
Tresca, Carlo 

Taylor, 

Thompson, M. A. 
Tynick, P. 

Usapiet, Joe 

Voetter, Geo. R. 

Westerlund, Frank 
Wetter, P. C. 
Walsh, Jack 
Wegh, Wm. 
Wallberg, John 
Wolski, Walter 
Wallace, A. A. 
Whitehead, Albert 
Weinberg, Julius 
Williams, Ben H. 
Wright, R. J. 
Weyh, Wm. 
Wertola, Wm. 

Waggemann, 

Walden, Tom 
Wallace, Nick 
Wallberg, John 
Ward, Jim 
Ward, W. T. 
Weiland, C. 
Weir, Robt. 



103 





I s 




ED NOLAN 



LEO TOLSTOI 




HERBERT SPENCER 



Robert Williams, General Secretary of 
the British Transport Workers 



Welton, E. M. Wilson, Allen Wolski, Walter 

Wenger, Geo. Wilson, J. W. Wright, Jack 

Westphal, John Wilson, Robt. 

Whitehead, Ed. Wilson, Wesley Yarlott, Geo. K. 

Wiertola, Wm. Winski, Geo. Young, Ira 

Williams, Sam Witter, Zumpano, S. 

Williamson, Geo. Woelfie, John Zupan, F. 



Gold Beach, Ore., April 7, 1920. 

Dear Friend: I wish to acknowledge receipt of a copy of your 
book, "What Henry Ford Is Doing," and to express my appreciation 
both of the contents and general appearance of the volume. It is 
real "nifty" looking, is admirably compiled, and contains enough food 
for thought to last the ordinary mortal a lifetime. As a sometimes 
student of social conditions, I wish to thank you for the pains you 
have taken in gathering and arranging the material contained in 
the work. 

... I must confess I had begun to fear that short-sighted offi- 
cials might have proven so blind as to deny your book to the mails. 
I am glad I was mistaken about that, and I gracefully apologize to 
Uncle Sam's postoffice inspectors who might have been the guilty 
parties. . . . You and other men like you are to be congratulated 
that you are contributing sounding blows towards the shaping of the 
key which is to unlock humanity's fetters and open the storehouse 
of nature's riches to the deserving. 

Sincerely your friend, 

[Signed] J. 0. STEARNS, Jr. 



Hyder, Alaska, June 15, 1920. 

My dear Mr. Bonville: ... I want to tell you how much enjoy- 
ment I have gotten out of your book, "What Henry Ford Is Doing." 
What a pity it is that so many of the working class have the psy- 
chology of a parasite. . . . Therefore, the great work for all lovers 
of liberty is to try to change that psychology by inducing as many 
of their fellow workmen and women as possible to read such books 
as "What Henry Ford Is Doing," "Red Europe," by Frank Ansley, 
M. P., Australia, "The Brass Check," by Upton Sinclair, etc. 

Yours, 
[Signed] ' E. A. BURPEE. 

105 




HE LETS THESE BUGABOOS RIDE HIM 




-From Solidarity. 



A VICTIM OF MAMMON 



"FORD AND HIS PEACE SHIP" 

By FRANK BONVILLE 

"Henry Ford is a traitor and a mountebank. He is a traitor to 
Tiis class, for he has betrayed them to the working people by bribes 
of higher wages and better working conditions than legitimate indus- 
try is able to concede. That he is a mountebank, and a supremely 
egotistical one at that, he has shown time and again by his lurid 
and shameless methods of self-advertising. 

"Of that method his so-called 'Peace Ship' is perhaps the most 
startling example. Everybody on the 'inside' knows that that ex- 
pedition was conceived and executed, not with the slightest expec- 
tation of bringing the war to a close, but solely to advertise the 
man and his wares." 

The above quoted speech, recently uttered in a sneering tone by 
a journalistic acquaintance of mine, with a penchant for stocks and 
bonds and an aversion for overalls and calloused hands, probably 
epitomizes the sentiment existing towards Henry Ford in those choice 
circles where conversation is chiefly of money, how to keep money 
— and of how to worst and ruin those who would disturb them in 
their manners and methods of planting and reaping the golden har- 
vests. Indeed, I venture to assert positively, at the risk of seeming 
dogmatic, that the viewpoint of my friend the journalist concerning 
Henry Ford and his "Peace Ship" is the viewpoint of ninety-nine 
per cent of the so-called capitalistic class. 

They ridicule him. They blackguard him. Not because they 
"believe him insincere. Not because they despise him. But because 
they fear him. And as the months lengthen into years, they will 
grow to fear him more and more. 

We are still too close to the awful cataclysm of the late war 
to see it clearly in all its monstrous proportions. As it recedes from 
ns with the passage of time, we shall gain a perspective, then we 
shall begin to realize how mad, how utterly brutish, was that 
saturnalia of blood and tears. 

In some fifty thousand American homes there hangs a service 
flag bearing upon its field of blue a star of gold, a star sacred to 
the memory of some beloved youth who gave his life upon the battle- 
fields of Europe — a sacrifice upon the altar of his country, yes, 
"but also a sacrifice upon the altar of the grim God of War; a sacri- 
fice which might have been averted had but a small percentage of 

107 




WARREN K. BILLINGS 



THOMAS J. MOONEY 



Who are serving life-time sentences. Not only the workers of this country, 
but workers all over the world know why these men are in prison, or at least 
they ought to. 




RICHARD FORD 



HERMAN SUHR 



Ford and Suhr are in prison for life. They were arrested at Wheatland, Cali- 
fornia, on August 4, and were held in the Marysville jail until the last week of 
September without permission to see a single friend. 



the millionaires and multimillionaires of the world cried out in con- 
cert with Henry Ford: 

"Enough of slaughter! This war must cease! Our boys must 
come out of the trenches by Christmas!" 

But Henry Ford stood alone, in so far as those who control the 
destinies of industry — and therefore of the world — are concerned. If 
any among them sympathized with him in the innermost chambers 
of his heart, such an one was too cowardly to speak, but shrank 
behind his bulwarks of gold and watched the dance of death go 
merrily on. 

No! Henry Ford and his "Peace Ship" will not be forgotten 
either by the world at large or by that comparatively small class of 
privileged persons whom the world is fond of referring to as Cap- 
tains of Industry. 

More and more it must be borne in upon the thinkers of the 
world, in high places as well as in low, that when Henry Ford set 
sail for Europe with his peace expedition he embarked upon a tre- 
mendously practical as well as tremendously humane project. In 
the face of adverse criticism on the part of a press subsidized by 
outraged capital he seemed to fail, yet he did not fail. For he 
planted the seeds of a tree of brotherly love and forbearance that 
must and will bear fruit in the fullness of time, when the harvest 
season draws near. 

Henry Ford, the blessed "impractical visionary," the man of 
genius who loves his fellow men constructively and aggressively, will 
hold a place in the future of the race that will shine as a mighty 
star of righteousness, a light of peace to good men, a searing flame 
of torment to that breed of men who would live out of the sweat 
of another's brow. 



UNITED STATES SENATE 

21st July, 1919. 

Mr. Frank Bonville, Box 432, Seattle, Wash. 

Dear Sir: Thank you for your letter of July 11th. I hardly need 
to assure you of my sympathetic interest and that I shall always 
be pleased to be advised as to the progress you are making. 

Very truly yours, 

[Signed] ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE. 

109 




PARLEY PARKER CHRISTENSEN 



FRIGHTFUL CRUELTY CHARGED TO BRITISH 

[Union Record, Seattle, Dec. 8, 1920.] 

Captain E. L. Macnaghton told an audience how Irish people 
were thrown in flames and suspended with hooks through their 
jaws until they died by British army officers because they refused 
to betray their compatriots. . . . Captain Macnaghton served through 
the war in the British army. He came to America to contradict 
the lies about persecution of the Protestants by the Catholics and 
the loyalism of Ulstermen towards England. "When we went to 
fight during the war it was not for England, but for the principle 
of freedom. We thought it impossible for England not to free 
Ireland after having claimed all over the world that England fought 
to free Belgium. 

"The only question we have for England is: 'When will you 
withdraw your soldiers?' 

"Eng 7 and is anxious that the world should think that the protec- 
tion of Protestants is the reason of her policy. This is one of the 
lowest lies ever invented in history," said Macnaghton. 

"England took up the weapon of religious hate, following the 
principle of 'divide and conquer.' The hate against Catholics existing 
in the northeast of Ireland is an artificial thing. . . . 

"England is claiming that the Irish question does not concern 
the rest of the world. How can it be? America lost 60,000 soldiers 
on the fields of Flanders to free the world, and where is the freedom 
America fought for? You say, 'America for the Americans,' and 
why not Ireland for the Irish and India for the Indians? We are 
asking your help against the tyranny of England, as three years 
ago the allies asked your help against Germany." 

Dr. N. S. Hardiker, editor of "Young India," told about perse- 
cution and atrocities in India, and asked America's help to free 
India from English tyranny. 

115 Broadway, New York City, May 7, 1920. 

Bureau of Information, P. O. Box 432, Seattle, Washington. 

Dear Sirs: Mr. Hoover has asked me to thank you for your 
kindness in sending him a copy of your book, "What Henry Ford Is 
Doing." 

Sincerely yours, 

[Signed] CHRISTIAN A. HERTER, Sec. to Mr. Hoover. 

Ill 




feffiv:i:s~ii 



EUGENE V. DEBS 

Starting upon his journey to Prison, from Cleveland, 
Ohio, April 13, 1919. 



[British Columbia Federationist, Nov. 21, 1919.] 

Centralia, Wash. — Dr. Frank Bickford testified that the door of 
the I. W. W. hall was forced open by participants in the parade 
before the shooting began through the doorway. . . . Dr. Bickford 
said he was immediately in front of the I. W. W. hall at the time 
and that during a temporary halt someone suggested a raid on the 
hall. 

The fact that the man lynched by the mob, and who was thought 
to be Britt Smith, secretary of the I. W. W. local, was in reality 
Wesley Everest, a returned soldier, has been established. 

"The I. W. W. in Centralia, Wash., who fired upon the men that 
were attempting to raid the I. W. W. headquarters were fully justi- 
fied in their act," said Edward Bassett, commander of the Butte 
Post of the American Legion, when asked his opinion of the Ar- 
mistice Day riots, which resulted fatally for four of the attacking 
party and one of the defenders. 

"Mob rule in this country must be stopped," continued Mr. Bas- 
sett, "and when mobs attack the home of a millionaire, of a laborer, 
or of the I. W. W., it is not only the right but the duty of the 
occupants to resist with every means in their power. If the officers 
of the law cannot stop these raids, perhaps the resistance of the raid 
victims may have that effect. 

"Whether the I. W. W. is a meritorious organization or not, 
whether it is unpopular or otherwise, should have absolutely nothing 
to do with the case. The reports of the evidence at the coroner's 
inquest show that the attack was made before the firing started. If 
that is true, I commend the boys inside for the action that they 
took." 



THE FEDERATED PRESS 

August 21, 1920. 

Bureau of Information, Seattle, Washington. 

Dear Sirs: I have just run across a copy of Frank Bonville's 
book on Henry Ford. It is a gratifying compilation of facts which 
the public ought to know. . . . We are now serving more than 100 
labor papers in the United States and Canada. 

Truly yours, 

[Signed] JOHN NICHOLAS BEFFEL, Acting News Ed. 

113 



IHELJKmJSTRUL WORKER, — 

SEATTLE, WASH., DECEMBER 11, W& 



THE JOY OF THE JJPPO 




JAPANESE AND CHINESE QUESTION 

By Wm. R. Anderson 

We have no quarrel with the Japs, Chinese or colored people, 
or, in fact, with the people of any foreign country. The capitalists 
would like to make us believe at times that we have, but this, in 
my opinion, is one of their many schemes to endeavor to keep the 
workers of the world divided. That is why the Jap proposition is 
given so much publicity by the subsidized press. 

We, as workers, more than welcome our little "Brown Brothers," 
and we are proud to learn that they understand the value of solidar- 
ity and that an injury to one worker is an injury to all. 

The capitalists were in favor of the importation of Japs, Chi- 
nese, etc., when they were able to use them to their advantage, but 
since the Orientals have familiarized themselves with the program 
of the workers, it has changed the situation to such an extent that 
a race war would be probable providing the capitalists were able to 
control the matter. 

The solidarity of the workers will settle this question. 



HARVARD UNIVERSITY 

Graduate School of Business Administration 

Cambridge, Mass., July 30, 1920. 

Mr. Frank Bonville, Seattle, Washington. 

Dear Sir: We are in receipt of a copy of your book, "What 
Henry Ford Is Doing," which you kindly sent us in response to our 
request. ... 

We shall place the material on the open shelves of the Library. 

Very truly yours, 

[Signed] CECIL A. ROSS, Supt. of Special Library. 

Mead, Wash., March 16, 1920. 

Dear Sir: The book received last evening. "What Henry Ford 
Is Doing." I am greatly surprised in your book and will see if I can 
help to sell it. So far as I can see, it is one of great interest to the 
working people. JOHN C. NEFF. 





JUKOW 

First Chairman of the Bolshevik 
Revolutionary Tribunal. 




FRANCIS J. HENEY 






DR. C. H. CHAPMAN 




KARL LIEBKNECHT 



FIRST AMERICANS WERE BOLSHEVISTS 

By LYNN A. E. GALE 

With Thomas Paine I believe: "The world is my country; to do 
good my religion." . . . My duty to America is best obeyed by 
loyalty to its workers, not loyalty to Wall Street murder. I can 
prove to you that the founders of the United States were semi- 
Bolshevists who in several cases caught glimpses of the same eco- 
nomic system that we Communists today advocate. ... Do you 
know that the Declaration of Independence not only recognized the 
right of people to change their government, but to abolish it, and 
that it said nothing about complying with existing "law and order" ? 
If you don't, hunt up the Declaration and read this over again and 
see what good Bolshevists Thomas Jefferson and his associates were: 
"All men are created equal . . . with certain inalienable rights, 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. ... To secure these 
rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed. When any form of gov- 
ernment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the 
people to alter or abolish it, and to institute new government. . , . 
When a long train of abuses and usurpations . . . evinces a design 
to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their 
duty, to throw off such government and to provide new guards for 
their future security." 

Do you know that Benjamin Franklin, at the time of the adop- 
tion of the American flag, expressed the hope that the day would 
come when nations would be obliterated and there would be a star 
in that flag for every country. Do you know that the Red Flag 
of Communism and International Brotherhood, which is cursed and 
vilified in every state in the American Union today, and whose 
exhibition is a crime in most of the states, was the first flag that 
the "Bolshevists" of 1776 ever had? . . . The American Revolution 
shows full well how the "rebels" of '76 defied the government and 
laws of King George. . . . We don't want violence and we are doing 
all we can to avoid it. But do you think the owners of the wealth 
of America are going to surrender to the rising tide of Industrial 
Democracy peacefully? If Wall Street w T on't let a Socialist sit in 
Congress or in the New York Legislature, is anybody fool enough 
to think it will let the Socialists place a majority of their men in 
Congress or a President in the White House ? . . . Unless things 
take a sudden and different turn in the United States mighty soon, 
the country is headed direct to bloody revolution — bloody revolution 
which radicals tried to avert and are not responsible for, but which 
is due entirely and solely to the blind, unreasoning tyranny and 
stupidity of American capitalism. 

117 



WILL GOV. STEPHENS BREAK THE WEB? 




Mr. Frank Bonvi'le. 



February 18, 1920. 



Dear Friend: I have just received a copy of your great book, 
"What Henry Ford Is Doing." Please accept my hearty congratula- 
tions for this greatest piece of propaganda that has been produced 
In the last fifty years, 



Yours sincerely, 



[Signed] 
335 6th St., San Diego. 



J. SCHAFFER. 



TO DISTRACT ATTENTION 

[Gale's Magazine, January, 1920.] 

I.W.W. Official Bulletin, Butte, Mont., U. S. A.— The oil barons 
and other exploiters of the riches of Mexico are at the same little 
gape they have tried several times before. They are trying to stir 
upf a war with Mexico so that they can follow up the invading army 
with their agents to steal and grab the natural resources of that 
country that are not already within their clutches. They would like 
another slaughterfest of this kind to draw the workers' attention 
away from their own class war with the masters, and have an ex- 
cuse for keeping a large standing army ever ready to shoot down 
the workers when they revolt against unbearable conditions in the 
industries. 



I. W. W. Not "Enemy" of Government. 

The I. W. W. is not an anti-government organization. The I. W» 
W. does not advocate the overthrow of political governments. It 
devotes all its time and energies in organizing the workers on the 
industrial field with but the one object in view — the capture of the 
industries by the workers, to be run for the workers. Industry has 
been stolen from the workers and its ownership is centralized in the 
hands of a few industrial overlords. The I. W. W. will organize all 
the workers within these industries and take back what has been 
stolen from them and run industry so that the workers on every 
job will have the full product of their toil. Our bourgeois opponents 
say that industry and political government under the present system 
are separate, the political government being in no way controlled by 
the owners of industry; therefore, they cannot consistently say that 
the capture of the stolen industries by the workers means an over- 
throw of political government. 



Mr. Frank Bonville, Seattle, Washington. 

Your book received, and am passing it around among the boys 
here. Some of them say it is the best they ever got hold of. . . . 
The future will never find me without a copy of it. 

It is invaluable as a reference book, and unexcelled in the collec- 
tion of thought gems it contains from the greatest thinkers of our 
day. Very truly yours, 

[Signed] GUY E. FULLEE, 

119 



THE LIBER AT OR M a r ch, 1919 




■^^"Svuv^^j 



E. A. BRADBURY, M. D. 

Baintree, Vt., April 2, 1920. 

Bureau of Information, Seattle, Washington. 

Gentlemen: Yours of March 23d is at hand. Will say both copies 
of the book are received. I have sent one copy to my son. . . . 
Will say right here you have my approval of the book in every way. 
Think a copy ought to be in every home in our sountry. 



Yours sincerely. 



[Signed] 



E. A. BRADBURY. 



[The Public, September 13, 1919.] 

The jailing of I. W. W. members in Kansas under the Espionage 
Act is bringing to light the fact that the soul-deadening effect of 
the law's delay is increased by the nerve-racking strain of indecent 
prisons. According to the report of Winthrop D. Lane in "The Sur- 
vey," the Federal prisoners in Kansas jails have not only been held 
nearly two years without trial, but they have been confined in jails 
that have undermined the health of the men. It has been the boast 
of English law that a man is innocent until he has been proven 
guilty. Yet men have been arrested on suspicion, thrown into jail, 
and made to suffer all the pain of prison punishment, and at the 
long-delayed trial have been declared innocent. True, an attempt has 
been made to avoid this by admitting the accused to bail until con- 
viction, but the terms of bail are such that though easily met by 
those having property-owning friends, they are unavailable for those 
whose friends are poor. Thus, a rich man, though the veriest scoun- 
drel, is given his liberty pending trial, while the poor man, though 
the soul of honor, may languish in prison. The experience of the 
government political prisoners calls for a remedy that will admit 
something besides property as surety for the accused. And pending 
this relief the prisoners should have a speedy trial and decent intern- 
ment. The purpose of the law is not revenge, but to prevent repeti- 
tion of the offense. A man who believes the laws of this country 
are for the benefit of the rich, and that the only relief lies in revolu- 
tion, is apt to be confirmed in that belief by the experience of the 
political prisoners in Kansas jails. 



By O. A. STENER 



Capitalism is nearing its end. Its deficits and contradictions are 
too numerous to mention. One cannot deny that this is true. In 
the past six years capitalism has brought about the death of 30,- 
000,000 people, and material and money expenditures and property 
destroyed mount to the value of $360,000,000,000. 

The capitalist society is aflame with greed, crime, vice, prostitu- 
tion, fraud, graft, disease and meanness, but there is more to come 
before it shall come to pass as prophesied by the lowly Jew before 
he was nailed to the cross for speaking the truth. There shall come 
a new society. By it there shall be peace on earth and good will to 
men, where love, health, work and happiness will go hand in hand. 
Poverty, fear and want shall be no more, but, crowned by the Light 
of Reason and Knowledge, mankind shall at last be free to enjoy 
the full products of his labor. 

121 




LENIN 



Montesano, Wash., April 16, 1920. 

Dear Sir: Have received the book, "What Henry Ford Is Doing. " 
It is the greatest book ever printed, and will free the human race 
if they will only study it. . . . 

Yours for Industrial Freedom, 

[Signed] BRITT SMITH, 

c/o Sheriff's Office. 



THE SOVIET BEAR GROWLS 



The recent action of the Soviet Government in recalling its rep- 
resentative from the United States and withdrawing its commercial 
concessions because of the perpetual calumny directed against the 
Bolsheviki, climaxing with the order of deportation and the count- 
less insults to a proud and free nation, is a wise move that will 
have profound effects hereafter. 

Nothing in logic or so-called Holy Writ makes such an appeal to 
the American capitalist or scissorbill as a gentle prick in pocketbook. 
The slave-driver of workmen in the New England factory, the manu- 
facturer of unfortunate flesh and blood into convict servitude in 
Southern states, the industrial strangler of men in coal and steel 
plants, the petty and mean miser who calls himself an honest 
farmer in many parts of the country, — in fine, all the pretended 
patriots for price who are behind the persecution, torture and murder 
of I. W. W. thinkers, may now probably be brought to read from the 
book of reason by the Russian policy of turning some of their eco- 
nomic pressure against them. 

Appeals to reason having failed when coupled only with the 
abstract doctrines of liberty and justice, inquiries that demonstrated 
the infamy of the big and small-fry capitalist system having been 
answered by anti-red and syndicalism laws, attempts by the I. W. W. 
to educate men to a realization of truth and equity in this country 
have been met merely by jails and the gallows, the grandest revolu- 
tion in human history, — that of the Bolsheviki, — having after almost 
infinite patience of its leaders, against a policy of paid libel and 
slander, received the intolerable insult of a deportation order of its 
chosen representative, — the hour of retaliation and assertion of self- 
respect at last came, and the mighty Eussian Bear emitted a low 
but significant growl — a mere preliminary to the sweep of his irre- 
sistible paws hereafter if the program of persecution, hatred and 
lying continues in this country. 

Let us hope, however faintly, that the big gorilla of capitalism 
and the small scissorbill ape will realize that even his profits must 
be obtained with at least some pretension of a recent respect for 
the opinions of free mankind. 

There is not much hope, perhaps, as yet, but the Russian policy 
is beyond doubt the beginning, the first flaslr of a sword unsheathed 
by necessity and only to be returned to the scabbard bright with 
liberty and jeweled by justice. —[VOLTAIRE II.] 

123 




BERTUCCIO DANTINO 









BISHOP E. J. O'DEA says: 



SEN KATAYAMA 
Who is telling- the truth about the cap- 
italists in Japan in Gale's 
Magazine. 



"Ireland is now fighting for her free- 
dom, as America fought for hers 130 
years ago. No people on earth suffered 
so much for freedom as the sons and 
daughters of Ireland. We must sympa- 
thize with the Irish cause because it is 
a cause of freedom. A man who is not 
in his heart with a cause of this kind 
is not a true American. We demand 
respectfully but firmly from our gov- 
ernment to recognize the Irish republic 
and we demand it not as a favor but 
as a right." 



THE CRIME OF POVERTY 

By HENRY GEORGE 

[From "Everyman" for January, 1917.] 

The thing of things that I should like to show you is that poverty 
is a crime. I do not mean that it is a crime to be poor. Murder 
is a crime; but it is not a crime to be murdered. . . . 

A woman comes into the world for every man; and for every 
man who lives a single life, caring only for himself, there is some 
woman who is deprived of her natural supporter. . . .'And it seems 
to me clear that the great majority of those who suffer from poverty 
are poor, not from their own particular faults, but because of con- 
ditions imposed by society at large. Therefore, I hold that poverty 
is a crime — not an individual crime, but a social crime; a crime 
for which we all, poor as well as rich, are responsible. . . . 

I hold, and I think no one who looks at the facts can fail to 
see, that poverty is utterly unnecessary. . . . No man, I think, 
ever saw a herd of buffalo of which a few were fat and the great 
majority lean. No man ever saw a flock of birds of which two 
or three were swimming in grease and the other all skin and bone. 
Nor in savage life is there anything like the poverty that festers in 
our, civilization. . . . 

Think how invention enables us to do with 'the power of one 
man what not long ago could not be done by the power of a thou- 
sand. . . . And yet we have only begun to invent and discover. . . . 

So, in every direction, energy that we might utilize goes to waste. 



TO EUGENE DEBS 

[Imprisoned for his opposition to war and conscription of American 

Youth.] 
He knew, so nobly dared to speak the truth: 
What sinister conspiracy of lies 
Circles the cradle and surrounds the youth 
To dim the halo of a bright sunrise! 
He knew his jail would prove a nation's shame, 
That voiceless liberty would keep his name; 
Justice, — greater than government or mob, — 
Still holds the splendor of her glorious flame, 
And him of his proud rectitude no court could rob. 

—(Voltaire II.) 

125 




Col. Rofot G. Ingersolf s 

Forty-Four Lectures 

COMPLETE— CLOTH BOUND 

A standard volume, worth $2.50, which I oftef 
Crucible readers for only $.1.00, postage prepaid by 
me. Just think of itl 420 pages, each 6x9, larg» 
type, cloth bound, aluminum stamped, with portrait 
of authoT, FOR ONLY $1.00 PREPAID. 

Col. Ingersoll's work in the lecture field will last 
for all time. Though we may differ with him in hia 
doctrines, all will admit the brilliancy of his great 
mind, and are spell-bound with the beauty of his 
word pictures. He was one of the world's greatest 
orators, and this great book will live forever. 



lie 



TBS 






■ &&ia?lQi3& 1S3KXY ~ Oct, 4. 1919. 



.k , ©im international Weekly 

Crippled Soldier Begs on Streets 



<!ier$ everything, and tfaat 
•notltiug woit!4 he too good 
lot the. soldier wben fa* re- 
turned Arts' aM Abe r>co?!e 
cheered frt confirmation of 
the pkrfec, They taeaTst. it, 
too. There -errc tiroes in 
.191? -when jxrojjk wouM 
done anything for the 



|:|,:. v Welt, tllilS Sttfdirr U.ei>S 

away <->nd twiner) the Sixth 

Rf^rrwtit of Marine,-*. He 
i tryjt'rcd an4 he worked; btf 
- »tiBfil his loneliness and 

strbrhted hi? fears; he jb»s- 
: tered< th,b terrible teehniqnc 
: of bis grta> work. 

And trten he west ovetr- 
>i *e3?, : Xo swift succession 
: .came Brest, a wan-stag swa 
i : ifecit&t! the- tvmii, a period 
, ■..; at duty i» a outer, sector, 
!. Tfsen oae namtttg- day tame 
f Bflkatt Wood, mi when 

sugj*< J*13 Mi soldier lay 

prone on tilt grovtKt, hii 

Itrir leg blow off, Alter 
; sr«miug!.« euferrniriabSc 
i hews the Kkctdter-bcaresTs 
s y : car tied b>sn waj, and then 
; OTCCeeded other scries of 

Sttnerittgts^a dressing xra- 
; tion in 3 datrrn cava, a rnadi 

3si<l torturing ambnlartcs. 

ride over deeply rutted roaife. a field hospital Thru 
; came a. crowded train of the wQmrt3ea..and ia^ ©f aT! a 
> base hoijsitai where the weeks and months of con\-alcs- 
; cetsce seemed barde* tUa the work of the battlefxids. . 

Snrely he had deserved "wWi of his COWtrtry, Aits boy 
■■>;-, who had, driven ail fcut Ids Hie,. H<jw often the patting 
: . word>x>f fris friend* mus* .have. soiu»ded::as«i«ng{y in hts 
I:, ears. Yet here he its. praetkally a beggar on the itreeu. 
mpischarged from the seryke lie feamd hussseH unable 



the war, a!!. the to get -wtiffe at a wage that, vroulo" sc<t»f)ort hiro. Ckyat 

siatwtt, and tfte ta;!k atKKft s^>vernm«at rdtef and vsMtienat trainbtg < 

rtt* t>rcsi<!errt of" and <Hhta- dciitihtUii things, bm noihiosr taft&ihie. So. 

litcb rtc said tbat knowing in 'hi* hsart that fafe service had been cristty 




and honorable, knowing that his conntrv dirt owe him, 
something, he Sank his pride in the dcoths o? frts £>«.<£ 
and went out to Hie conuee oi 34lh street arrd JFJith) 
Av^nae, Kow York. to«artt frfs livieg. * ^- ; s ^ 

This soldier is a rebolw *ttd a chatieflge, Dwoatche*; 
fell «b that all the Gem»n w««n<fcd Mve auappeamjl 
from the tstreet^ of Gemvan eit.ie», Th«y Are no tongeir; 
compelled either to loaf or beg. How ioss# wdMt'heci 
before we can sav that of tbe Uniu-d Statej,?. 






WHERE, OH WHERE CAN THE PUBLIC BE? 

By HARSTON PETERS 

There is somebody in this country being terribly misrepresented, 
and that somebody is the public. Since the first organized body of 
workers went on strike in this country, the capitalist press has tried 
to classify that part of the population which was not on strike as 
"the public". 

Years ago when the teamsters in Chicago went on strike the 
press declared that if the strikers did win the public would lose, 
thereby informing us that the teamsters were not a part of the 
"public". 

And when the street-car men went on strike, the press informed 
us that the street-car men should remain at work so "the public" 
would not have to walk, thereby informing us that street-car em- 
ployers were not a part of "the public". 

The Public Invoked. 

A few years later when the Western Federation of Miners struck, 
the press informed us that if the miners didn't need the copper 
which they "were producing" "the public" did, thereby informing us 
that quartz miners were not a part of "the public". 

A few years later when the I. W. W. started speaking on the 
streets the press informed them that they must quit speaking to 
"the public" or be driven from the city or be killed, thereby inform- 
ing us that the I. W. W. are not a part of "the public". 

A few years later when the lumberjacks struck for an eight-hour 
day the press shed tears of blood because the public would have to 
pay more for lumber, thereby informing us that the lumberjacks are 
not a part of "the public". 

A few years later, when a general strike was declared in Seattle, 
the press voiced fears that "the public" would be plunged into dark- 
ness, thereby informing us that none of the working people in 
Seattle are a part of "the public". 

We're Excluded. 

Being convinced by this time that no union man or woman was 
a part of the public, surely, thought I, the farmers must be "the 
public". But by this time the farmers had organized all over the 
Northwest. This brought forth the wrath of the prostitute editors, 
who devoted* their editorial pages with great pictures of "rich farm- 

127 



jp * IF 






LUTHER BURBANK 



THOMAS EDISON 



HENRY FORD 




CARUSO 



ETTOR 



GIOVANNITTI 



ers" robbing "peer' wholesale dealers and "povcrty-st icken" stock 
brokers, thereby informing us that the farmers are not a part of 
"the public". 

And November 1st the great coal miners 5 strike occurred. The 
government immediately stepped in and said, "I shall protect 'the 
public,'" and as t % o government did not protect the minei s. it there- 
by informed us that coal miners are not a part of "the public". 

This morning I met an old-time coal miner. Said I to the miner, 
"Why is the pre°s shedding tears about the coal miners ? Is it 
because some miners are entombed and doomed to death in an 
Ohio mine?" 

The miner laughed and said, "No, you fool! They're weeping 
because 'the public's' shins are cold." 

Said I to the miner, "Can you tell me who 'the public' is?" 

"Certainly," said the miner, "it's that part of the population 
which craves things it does not produce or help to produce." 

"Where did you get your information?" said I. 

"From the capitalist press," said the miner. 



THINK! 



The national budget this year represents a tax of $50 upon every 
man, woman and child in the United States, and of this amount 
$46.50 goes for war and militarism. 

Our Navy is larger than any other except England's. 

We are building ten super-dreadnaughts to cost over $?5,000,000 
each. WHY? 

No other nation is building one-fifth that number. 

The Navv will cost this year $425,000,000, or $4 for every person 
in the country. 

Is that the way ycu want your money spent? 

— [Friends Peace Committee, S04 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa.] 

129 



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* 



ADVERTISING PSYCHOLOGY 

By FRANK BONVILLE 

Do you think you would know enough to purchase and wear warm, 
well-made clothing if the woolen manufacturers and clothiers should 
suddenly cease to advertise their wares ? Do you think you possess 
sufficient intelligence to select a wholesome breakfast food for your 
table without being urged and enticed and browbeaten day in and 
day out by black, blue, green, red and vari-colored typed ballyhoos, 
ridiculous nursery rhymes and what-not-to-do-so, or abstain at your 
peril? Do you consider yourself better able to choose a durable, 
well-made touring car, or to take out life insurance in a sound, 
conservative, well-managed company because of the fact that the 
purveyors of these commodities, in their red-hot zeal to press their 
own make of machine or type of insurance upon you, find it expe- 
dient in their daily advertisements to claim infinite superiority over 
all competitors? 

Has it ever occurred to you that you, the ultimate consumer, 
are the one who foots the advertising bills contracted by the manu- 
facturer, the jobber, wholesaler, the retailer? And do you know 
that expenditures for advertising amount to approximately THREE 
BILLION DOLLARS ANNUALLY in the United States? 

After many years' study of newspaper and magazine advertising 
and the results thereof I am convinced that 80 per cent of the 
publicity funds so*expended constitute not only an unwarranted tax 
upon the consumer, but that the result of such advertising is a grave 
detriment to the consuming public in that the claims put forth by 
the advertisers serve to befuddle and mislead, rather than to con- 
structively educate. And in so far as advertisers diverge from con- 
structive, truthful statements concerning their wares, so far do they, 
wilfully or unconsciously, disfranchise the buying public, for the pur- 
chaser should know, in reason and justice is entitled to know, not 
only the exact kind and quality of the thing he is buying, but the 
cost of producing that thing, and the net profit which accrues to 
the vendor by reason of its sale; and advertisements which do not 
apprise him of those facts, or which are calculated to lead him 
away from such facts, — advertisements which are conceived solely 
or chiefly to create desire and thereby stimulate sales, — constitute in 
essence a fraud upon the public and are equivalent to the sly craft 
practiced by that most despicable of petty thieves known as a pick- 
pocket. 

You will note that I do not thus condemn all advertising, for 
I concede that perhaps 20 per cent of the money spent annually^ 

131 




JACK LONDON 



4g 

t 



TOM MANN 




JAMES A. DUNCAN 



E. B. AULT 

Editor of Seattle Union Record 



in this country for advertising is well spent,— and when I place 
the figure at 20 per cent I believe I have allowed a very generous 
margin. Illustrative of what I consider legitimate advertising, 
let us say that Smith, a farmer, wishes to change his location and 
in order to do so would sell his farm; or that Jones has lost a 
horse, or cow, and wishes to apprise the public of the fact; or that 
Edison or Ford has invented a new labor-saving machine, or that 
a newly discovered textile fabric has been placed upon the market; 
here, I should say, is legitimate ground for advertising, the public 
oeing entitled to know that something new and better is to be had 
for the purchasing. 

Let us hope for a day when the inevitable breakfast food "ad" 
will become conspicuous by its absence from the pages of our favo- 
rite journal, when screaming announcement of the one and only 
"Super-Six" will cease to shriek at us whenever we chance to peruse 
our daily newspaper; when, in brief, we shall have ceased to be 
victimized out of a portion of our daily earnings by vendors of 
wares who now insist upon telling us how and what to buy and 
then add to the price of the article offered the cost of dinning its 
merits into our suffering ears through the medium of a press whose 
palms are ever itching to be tickled with — the advertiser's gold? — 
no! my gold, your gold, our gold; for it is we, the buying public, 
that in the ultimate pay the bill. 



ANOTHER LIE NAILED 

[Gale's Magazine.] 
It would take an army of men and women and thousands of 
newspapers working day and night to deny the lies about Mexico 
with anything like the rapidity with which they are circulated. 

Not long ago, that association of arch-falsifiers, the Associated 
Press, sent out a story telling of the withdrawal of the Canadian 
Pearsons from Mexico. This company owns the Mexican Northwest 
Railroad in Chihuahua and extensive lumber interests. It was alleged 
that the Mexican government had confiscated lands of the railroad. 
As soon as they heard the yarn, the president and vice-president of 
the company issued a categorical denial. Their lands have not been 
confiscated. They have had no trouble whatever with the Mexican 
government. The story had not one iota of truth in it. 

This is a sample of the lies being retailed out to the American 
people in order to create public sentiment in favor of war with 
Mexico. 

There is no mistaking the fact that public opinion in the United 
States is overwhelmingly against intervention in Mexico. 

133 



By CLARENCE S. DARROW 

I really do not believe in crime. There is no such thing as a 
crime as the word is generally understood. I do not believe there 
is any sort of distinction between the real moral condition of the 
people in and out of jail. One is just as good as the other. The 
people here can no more help being here than the people outside 
can avoid being outside. I do not believe that people are in jail 
because they deserve to be. They are in jail simply because they 
cannot avoid it on account of circumstances which are entirely be- 
yond their control and for which they are in no way responsible. 
... Of course we know that people do not get rich by being good. 
. . . Nine-tenths of you are in jail because you did not have a good 
lawyer, and of course you did not have a good lawyer because you 
did not have enough money to pay a good lawyer. There is no very 
great danger of a rich man's going to jail. . . . There are a good 
many more people who go to jail in the winter time than in summer. 
Why is this? Is it because people are more wicked in winter? 
No, it is because the coal trust begins to get in its grip in the win- 
ter. . . . There are more people go to jail in hard times than in good 
times. . . . When the meat combine raises the price of beef I do 
not know who is going to jail, but I know that a large number of 
people are bound to go. . . . More is taken from the poor by the 
rich, who have the chance to take it. . . . Everybody makes his liv- 
ing along the lines of least resistance. . . . You cannot be a landlord 
because somebody has got it all. You must find some other calling. 
In England, Ireland and Scotland less than 5 per cent own all the 
land there is, and the people are bound to stay there on any kind 
of terms the landlords give. They must live the best they can. . . . 
They do not make the laws to protect anybody; courts are not instru- 
ments of justice; when your case gets into court it will make little 
difference whether you are guilty or innocent; but it's better if you 
have a smart lawyer. And you cannot have a smart lawyer unless 
you have money. First and last, it's a question of money. Those 
men who own the earth make the laws to protect what they have. 
They fix up a sort of fence or pen around what they have, and they 
fix the law so the fellow on the outside cannot get in. . . . Then if 
you were rich and were beaten, your case would be taken to the 
Appellate Court. A poor man cannot take his case to the Appellate 
Court; he has not the price. And then to the Supreme Court, and 
if he were beaten there he might perhaps go to the United States 
Supreme Court. And he might die of old age before he got into 
jail. If you are poor, it's a quick job. You are almost known to 
be guilty, else you would not be there. Why should anyone be 
in the criminal court if he were not guilty? He would not be there 
if he could be anywhere else. The officials have no time to look 

135 



after all these cases. The people who are on the outside, who are 
running the banks and building churches and making jails, they have 
no time to examine 600 or 700 prisoners each year to see whether 
they are guilty or innocent. . . . Most of the crimes for which we 
are punished are property crimes. . . . The only way in the world 
to abolish crime and criminals is to abolish the big ones and the 
little ones together. Make fair conditions of life. Give men a 
chance to live. Abolish the right of private ownership of land. . . . 



WAR AND RESPECTABILITY 

[Editorial Page of the Capital Times.] 

The grip of the white terror has been lessened in this country 
to an extent where a man can be AGAINST WAR without standing 
a chance of being torn to pieces under the ferocious standards of 
"patriotism" established by such organizations as the Security 
League, the American Defense Society, the United Americans and 
kindred other Wall Street organizations. 

.'We are prompted to make these remarks by the reading of an 
editorial in the Baltimore Sun. The Baltimore Sun is one of the 
staid, "reliable" newspapers of the East. It is regular and ortho- 
dox — the largest and most influential paper in Baltimore. The fol- 
lowing editorial recently appeared in the Sun: 

"Never yet has there been a war 'that could not have been 
avoided. Never more would there be a war if the statesmen who 
plan and invoke wars were required to take their places in the 
trenches. . . . People are beginning to see it for what it really is. 
They are beginning to see how the common people of the world 
are set at each other's throats by the engineering of hatreds, the 
play on nationality and the capitalization of human passions by the 
rulers. 

"Tremendous world forces are at work that will put an end to 
war. And yet how little our capitalistic newspapers have to say 
about these revolutionary changes ! ..." 



OUR PULPIT 



The purpose of the church has always been to stand for principle. 
As a whole she has not always remained true to principle, but no 
one feels the weakness more than herself. 

Just now, however, she is again in clanger of going on the rocks. 

137 




THE SOVIET SYSTEM 



WHO'S PAYING THE INTEREST? 

[By Scott Nearing.] 

The French government, to meet its interest charges, must find 
some 9,000,000,000 of francs each year; the German government as 
many marks, and the British £2,000,000,000. Even in the United 
States, where the national debt is only 28 billion dollars, the inter- 
est charge is in the neighborhood of 1,000,000,000 dollars a year. 

What is the meaning of all this? 

The bonds of each country are held principally by the people 
■of that country. So it comes about that the well-to-do part of the 
population in each of the greatest countries (from 5 to 15 per cent 
of the people) holds most of the government bonds. Therefore, the 
well-to-do will receive most of the interest payments. . . . 

Here then is a system under which the government takes from 
the masses, who are poor, and gives to the well-to-do, who already 
are amply supplied with the good things of life. 

This system has existed for a long time. The war has brought 
it into the daylight. . . . 

The workers, Who produce all of the wealth, receive, in return 
for their labors, a bare living. . . . 

The owners have taken most of their graft directly from the 
workers in the form of rent, dividends and profits. Today, in every 
one of the heavily indebted countries, the government has under- 
taken to collect from the workers the billions of unearned income 
that is to go to the owners in the form of interest payments 'on 
bonds. . . . 



RADICALISM 



L. W. Buck, secretary of the Washington State Federation of 
Labor, in a statement issued, charges that employers, in their pre- 
tended discovery of "radicalism," are really attempting to gain con- 
trol of the unions and make them ineffective in order that profits 
may not be disturbed. Buck's statement follows: 

"The insistent demand from our opponents that we 'purge' our- 
selves of all 'radicals' has reached the point where it is time for us 
to give the consideration it merits. 

"Let us remember, however, that this demand comes from those 

139 



1 

1 

I 


t 

ti 

If 












ill 


1* 


u 

X 

in 

S 
< 


Ill 




K 


< 

n 



THE SOVIET SYSTEM 



who insist on dealing with workers as individuals. They would pre- 
fer to see organized labor destroyed, for then the individual worker 
would be at their mercy. 

"If they cannot destroy organized labor, and it would seem that 
they have at last so concluded, then the next best move is to split 
it by debarring from its ranks all on whom they could fix the brand 
of 'radicalism.' 

"The bosses believe that the class of workers thus 'kicked out' 
from the American Federation of Labor will feel aggrieved at being 
so handled and will fight back by offering their services as strike- 
breakers, and in other ways aid them (the employers) in breaking 
down conditions for all who labor, to the great satisfaction and profit 
of special privilege. . . . 

"But what do they mean by 'radicals'? By what method are we 
to determine what constitutes a 'radical'? Are we who compose 
the labor movement to determine this question ? If not, then who will ? 

"These are questions that must be; answered before we can give 
serious thought to 'kicking out' anyone. 

"Our enemies have condemned ,'every man in 1 the ranks who has 
exhibited enough life to be active. They have placed the 'brand' on 
practically every v officer in the labor movement . . . and stretched 
their definition of 'radical' to include the whole of that group of 
members who show enough interest in their affairs to attend the. 
meetings of their respective unions. All of these must be 'purged' 
if we would satisfy the employers. 

"Even then our movement would not be their idea of perfection. 
To reach this pinnacle in their esteem we must permit them to deter- 
mine who should fill the various offices and act on various commit- 
tees. And the rank and file must also agree to transform the union 
into a mutual admiration society. . . . 

"If, after this, we will give up a part of the wages they allow 
us toward a fund to be used to care for those whose health the in- 
human industrial conditions they will create has broken, and bury 
those who are killed while working for the boss who is operating 
under the misnamed 'American Plan,' we will then have put the 
finishing touch to the employers' idea of industrial heaven. 

"As a matter of fact, the question is not one of radicalism. 
The question is, 'Who is going to choose our officers, appoint our 
committees, and run the union?' Are we to do this, or are we to 
let our bosses do it? That is the question, and every man and 

141 



AN EXPONENT OF THE OPEN SHOP 




FM AFTER YOU! 



woman in the ranks of labor can rest assured that the boss will be 
satisfied with nothing else. 

"We are organized for the purpose of looking after OUR interest 
and it is our business, our duty, to see that the organization to 
which we belong functions as we intended it should. 

"We must not, therefore, get hysterical over the cry of the 
profiteer. ... If there is 'purging' to be done it should first start 
in the ranks of those who now demand it of us. 

"Our duty is clear. We must keep our feet on the earth and 
our heads and shoulders together. We must think with a cool head 
and act with good judgment. While our opponents rave, we must 
work all the harder to solidify our ranks. It is our mission to organ- 
ize, not disorganize. This is our answer: 'We will not cringe!'" 



[The Crucible, December, 1919.] 

(Religion has never been a preventative of crime. 

Love is the power that can reform the world, and love needs no 
religion. 

Hate lurks behind religion and is guilty of more crime than in- 
fidelity ever was. 

Many good people are religious, but they could be as good and 
have no religion. 

The oil king and bank king are fine examples of religious 
profiteers. 

Food profiteers and rent hogs are as a rule members of some 
religious organization. 

Statistics have shown that 85 per cent of convicted murderers 
are religious. 

Religion cannot regenerate the world; for religion is founded on 
ignorance and faith. 

The infamous Packers' Trust of Chicago is made up of men who 
promote church graft. 

Religion does not prevent the manufacture of murder implements 
for the use of murderers. 

Religious people are just as anxious to exploit labor as are those 
who have no religion, if not more so. 

Department store corporations which amass millions on the 
slavery of poorly paid shop girls are noted for their support of 
religious grafters. 

Religion does not give men the ability to carry their illy gotten 
wealth with them when they die. It must be left behind for the 
benefit of lawyers and courts. 

143 A* 



STEALING OUR THUNDER- 
BUT NOT OUR LIGHTNING 




As the "Nonpartisan Leader" has pointed out, many 
other states are attempting to "steal the thunder" of the 
Nonpartisan League by adopting laws modeled after 
those of North Dakota. But though they may steal our 
thunder, as John Baer puts it, they can't stealour light- 
ning — the old "We'll Stick!" spirit. 




We are in HERE for 
YOU! 



You are out THERE for 
US! 



[Post-Intelligencer, June 5, 1919.] 

Geo. F. Vanderveer: "... To call the I. W. W. a disloyal organ- 
ization . . . was willful slander. They were fighting for human 
freedom . . . just as Wendell Phillips and William Lloyd Garrison 
fought for it, when the question of Negro slavery was uppermost. 
These men were the I. W. W. of .1850, they were jailed for the 
principles, too. . . . They were trying to overthrow the industrial 
system based on slavery. Jesus Christ didn't believe in the estab- 
lished order and they crucified him for it. . . . I do not believe in 
convicting one man for what someone else maybe did. Who are the 
real enemies of your political liberties? They are the men who have 
a throttle hold on your political life; and you can only kill this 
system by killing exploitations, which the I. W. W. aims to do." 

Mr. Vanderveer, openly avowing himself to believe with the I. W. 
W. in its advocacy of direct action to obtain industrial reform, pre- 
dicted an era when a new industrial order, in which the worker 
would come into his own, would be established. . . . The courts are 
controlled by capitalists. . . . 



[W. Julian.] 



He takes a sheet of paper, pure and clean and white; 

He dips his pen in vitriol ('tis only thus he'll write). 

He cares not whom he injures with his dirty, slimy lies, 

Just so he draws his pay-check — and fools may think him wise. 

He'll defame men and women — help railroad to the pen 

Folks whose only crime has been they loved their fellow men. 

He appeals to evil prejudice; he stirs up civil strife; 

He daily blasphemes liberty and the highest aims of life. 

In the name of law and order he advocates mob rule. 

He does his master's bidding — he's a spineless, willing tool. 

He poisons at its source the news we read for fact, 

He distorts and modifies the truth — this literary hack. 

He deals in puerile sophistry to snare the ignorant, 

He's a sneaking, crawling viper, an intolerant sycophant. 

He's always for the big guy and against the poor and weak, 

He won't fight in the open — he's a mean and cowardly sneak. 

There's no name yet invented that fits this base galoot, 

The smallest thing on earth — an intellectual prostitute. 

He writes on paper pure and white, this petty penny-hack. 

He dips his pen in vitriol; the words he writes are black! 

145 




—From Regeneracloo 
THE MAKERS OF MEXICO'S MISERY 



[By Frank Harris.] 

Tom Paine was a born rebel. . . . He came here at thirty-seven 
and his pamphlet of only 47 pages, "Common Sense," aroused the 
American people to revolt; he was the first to suggest American 
independence. Who can ever forget his great words: "These are 
the times that try men's souls." Think of what he did: He was the 
first to suggest the "Federal Union," the first to write the words, 
"United States of America," the first to propose international arbi- 
tration, the abolition of Negro slavery, international copyright and 
old-age pensions. In the Eighteenth Century he advocated justice 
to women and was the first to write of "the religion of humanity." 

Paine lived simply and economically, but quite well — was always 
cheery and courteous, perhaps occasionally a little blunt, having 
very positive opinions upon politics, religion, and so forth. That 
he labored well and wisely for the States in the trying period of 
their parturition, and in the seeds of their character, there seems 
to me no question. 

I dare not say how much of what our Union is owning and en- 
joying today — its independence — its ardent belief in, and substantial 
practice of, radical human rights — and the severance of its govern- 
ment from all ecclesiastical and superstitious dominion — I dare not 
say how much of all this is owing to Thomas Paine, but I am inclined 
to think a good portion of it decidedly is. . . . 

Thomas Paine had a noble personality, as exhibited in presence, 
face, voice, dress, manner, and what may be called his atmosphere 
and magnetism, especially the later years of his life. I am sure 
of it. . . . 

Thomas Paine, why are you not among us today? We need you 
so badly. We need your "Common Sense" in this "Crisis" through 
which we are passing. We are clamoring for the "Rights of Man," 
we are still longing for "The Age of Reason." 

Would you like to know, Thomas Paine, what happened to your 
remains? How they were denied at first Christian burial at New 
Rochelle, how they were interred on your own farm, the one the 
State of New York gave you as a token of appreciation? How 
your coffin was stolen one night and spirited away to your native 
England. Your skull and your bones disappeared and a small part 
of your brains and a few locks of your hair came back to America. 
. . . How you will laugh about your fellow rebels, about the "sons 
and daughters of the Revolution," whose great grand-children are not 
capable of conceiving the truth for which you so often were willing 
to die! . . . 

147 







'.'."' ''■'■x-v-v: xfxxx,j : *:x x mr xxx- ' : ' : . 

>ace an amy of f<- ■■ "° *" afe f>vr > 

,;.-,■ •;;-> .v..,- > from Xh&iv h-.. ■ 



. . . Dear Thomas Paine, they haunted you during your lifetime. 
Peace was not given unto you by your fellow citizens and your bones 
were scattered to the winds while the great truths of your books 
were carried all over the world, and your principles became the pil- 
lars of republics and of the world's humanitarian institutions. 

Only a few years ago a magnificent picture of you was found 
— strangely enough by your friend, von der Weyde, in a little antique 
shop in the Rue de Seine in Paris, buried among old portraits. The 
proprietor did not know whom the picture represented. It is painted 
by F. de Bonville, a brother of Nicholas de B.onville, your old pub- 
lisher and lifelong friend. 
• 

New York has grown, Thomas Paine; it is the largest city of 
the world today. America has become the richest country of the 
universe, and has just emerged as victor from the world war. And 
things have happened here, and are happening daily. . . . ! You 
would turn in your grave, Thomas Paine, if you knew them — if, in- 
deed, the malice of men had left you a grave! 



LECTURE 

WHAT MUST WE DO IN ORDER TO BE SAVED? 

[By Col. Robert G. Ingersoll.] 
. . . Now, I beg of you all to forget for just a few minutes that 
you are Methodists, or Baptists, or Catholics, or Presbyterians, and 
let us for an hour or two remember only that we are men and 
women. . . . And let us, if possible, banish all fear from the mind. 
. . . Don't imagine that there is any being who would give to his 
children the holy torch of reason and then damn them for following 
where the sacred light may lead. . . . There is but one worship, 
and that is justice. . . . Ycu need not fear the anger of a God 
whom you cannot injure. Rather fear to injure your fellow man. 

Don't be afraid of the crime that you cannot commit. Rather 
be afraid of the one that you may commit. . . . Let us think and 
let us honestly express our thought. Do not for a moment imagine 
that I think the people who disagree with me are bad people. . . . 
I believe that most Christians believe what they teach, — that most 
ministers are endeavoring to make this world better. ... It is a 
question, first, of intellectual liberty, and after that a question to be 
settled at the bar of human reason. . . . The question is, have I 
a right to think? . . . The next question, then, is, can I commit 
a sin against God by thinking? 

149 




v2_. 



Now, then, we have got what they call a Christian system of 
religion, and thousands of people wonder how I can be wicked enough 
to attack that system. ... I shall never fear to attack anything 
I honestly believe to be wrong. . . . We have, I say, the Christian 
system, and that system is founded upon what they are pleased 
to call the New Testament. Who wrote the New Testament? I do 
not know. Who does know? Nobody. We have found some fifty- 
two manuscripts containing portions of the New Testament. Some 
of the manuscripts leave out five or six books, many of them; others 
more, others less. No two of these manuscripts agree. Nobody 
knows who wrote these manuscripts. They are all written in Greek. 
The disciples of Christ knew only Hebrew. . . . Nobody ever saw, so 
far as we know, one of the original Hebrew manuscripts. . . . 

This Testament was not written for hundreds of years after the 
Apostles were dust. . . . The Church got into trouble and wanted 
a passage to help it out, one was interpolated to order. So that now 
it is among the easiest things in the world to pick out at least 100 
such interpolations in the New Testament. . . . For thousands of 
years the world has been asking the question, "What shall we do 
to be saved?" Saved from poverty? No. Crime? No. Tyranny? 
No. But "What shall we do to be saved from, the eternal wrath of 
the God who made us all?" . . . 

I made up my mind, I say, to see what I had to do in order to 
save my soul. . . . 

The idea of putting a house and lot on an equality with wife 
and children! Think of that! I do not accept the terms. . . . Let 
me tell you, today that it is far more important to build a home 
than to erect a church. . . . 

The only -way to get to Heaven is to believe something that you 
don't understand. . . . 

In order to be saved it is necessary to believe this. . . . 

Of course I admit — cheerfully — . . . that there are thousands of 
good Catholics. But Catholicism is contrary to human liberty; 
Catholicism bases salvation upon belief; Catholicism teaches man 
to trample his reason under foot; and for that reason it is wrong. 

No matter what we believe, shake hands, and say, "Let it go; 
that is your opinion, this is mine; let us be friends." Science makes 
friends; religion, superstition, make enemies. They say, belief is 
important; I say no, actions are important; judge by deeds, not by 
creeds. . . . 

151 



CLARENCE, I USED T'HAV£ 
AN AMQiTiOW.To OWN AN 
AUTOMOBILE FACTORY — BUT 
1 RECKOw TMinGS Generally 
-fU*N OUT TOR TH' 




DETROIT JOURNAL 

MAY 14 1917. 



LO! THE POOR RICH MAN 



fROIX TH3 fc'OP.D TII,r-]S,ii , 2BRUA3Y 1916, 




The demand of "Preparedness" on the American Fa 



T believe in the gospel of cheerfulness; the gospel of good nature; 
in the gospel of good health. Let us pay some attention to our 
bodies; take care of our bodies, and our souls will take care of 
themselves. Good health! I believe the time will come when the 
public thought will be so great and grand that it will be looked upon 
as infamous to perpetuate disease. I believe the time will come 
when men will hot fill the future with consumption and insanity. I 
believe the time will come when with studying ourselves and under- 
standing the laws of health, we will say we are under obligations 
to put the flags of health in the cheeks of our children. . . . 

I believe in the gospel of good living. You cannot make any 
God happy by fasting. . . . 

I believe in the gospel of justice — that we must reap what we 
sow. I do not believe in forgiveness. If I rob Mr. Smith, and God 
forgives me, how does that help Smith? . . . 

For every crime you commit you must answer to yourself and 
to the one you injure . . . that is what I believe in. And if it 
goes hard with me, I will stand it. . . . And I will stick to my 
logic; and I will bear ^t like a man. . . . And I believe, too, in the 
gospel of liberty, — of giving to others what we claim. And I believe 
there is room everywhere for thought, and the more liberty you give 
away the more you will have. . . . 

God cannot make miserable a man who has made somebody else 
happy. God cannot hate anybody who is capable of loving his 
neighbor. So I believe in this great gospel of generosity. Ah, but 
they say it won't do. You must believe. I say no. . . . 

I have made up my mind that . . . God will be merciful to the 
merciful. Upon that rock I stand. . . . That He will forgive the 
forgiving; upon that rock I stand. That every man shall be true 
to himself, and that there is no world, no star, in which honesty 
is a crime; and upon that rock I stand. An honest man, a good, 
kind, sweet woman, or a happy child, has nothing to fear, neither 
in this world nor in the world to come. Upon that rock I stand. 



PRESS COMMITTEE :— The Republicans and the Democrats, from 
the class-conscious workers' point of view, differ only in name. . . . 
The average man in this country today could not tell you to save 
his life why he voted for either the Republicans or Democrats. The 
citizen voter was not consulted about the war, about conscription, 
or anything else. He never is, and it is not intended by his masters 
that he should be. 

153 



WITH DROPS OF BLOOD THE HISTORY OF 

THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE 

WORLD HAS BEEN WRITTEN 

FROM 1916 TO 1919 



[Melting Pot, Nov., 1919.] 

Ever since the I. W. W. was organized in June, 1905, there has 
been an inquisitorial campaign against its life and growth, inaugu- 
rated by the chambers of commerce profiteers. . . . 

. . . The Industrial Workers of the World is a labor organization 
composed of sober, honest, industrious men and women. Its chief 
purposes are to abolish the system of wage-slavery and to improve 
the conditions of those who toil. . . . 

. . . I. W. W. members have been murdered, imprisoned, tarred 
and feathered, deported, starved, beaten, denied the right of citizen- 
ship, exiled, their homes invaded, private property and papers seized, 
denied the privilege of defense, held in exorbitant bail, subjected to 
involuntary servitude, kidnaped, subjected to cruel and unusual pun- 
ishment, "framed" and unjustly accused, excessively fined, died in 
jail waiting for trial, driven insane through persecution, denied the 
use of the mails, denied the right of free speech, denied the right 
of free press, denied the right of free assembly, denied every privi- 
lege guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, denied the inherent rights pro- 
claimed by the Declaration of Independence — Life, Liberty and the 
Pursuit of Happiness. 

I. W. W. halls, offices and headquarters have been raided. 

I. W. W. property, books, pamphlets, stamps, literature, office 
fixtures have been unlawfully seized. 

I. W. W. as an organization and its membership have been 
viciously maligned, vilified and persecuted. 

The charges set forth in this indictment would count for nothing 
unless evidence and proof were at hand to sustain them. A record 
of every charge can be found in the annals of the press, the court 
records of the land, the report of the Commission on Industrial 
Relations, and other reports of the Government of the United States. 

We charge that I. W. W. members have been murdered, and 
mention here a few of those who have lost their lives: 

155 




FITZPATRICK in St. Louis Pos,. Dispatch 

"Military Necessity" Again 



Joseph Michalish was shot to death by a mob of so-called citizens. 

Michael Hoey was beaten to death in San Diego. 

Samuel Chinn was so brutally beaten in the county jail at Spo- 
kane, Washington, that he died from the injuries. 

Joseph Hillstrom was judicially murdered within the walls of the 
penitentiary at Salt Lake City, Utah. 

Anna Lopeza, a textile worker, was shot and killed, and two 
other fellow workers were murdered during the strike at Lawrence, 
Massachusetts. 

Frank Little, a cripple, was lynched by hirelings of the Copper 
Trust at Butte, Montana. 

John Looney, A. Robinowitz, Hugo Gerlot, Gustav Johnson, Felix 
Baron and others were killed by a mob of Lumber Trust gunmen 
on the steamer "Verona" at the dock at Everett, Washington. 

J. A. Kelly was arrested and rearrested at Seattle, Washington, 
finally dying from the effects of the frightful treatment he received. 

Four members of the I. W. W. were killed at Grabow, Louisiana, 
where thirty were shot and seriously wounded. 

Two members were dragged to death behind an automobile at 
Ketchikan, Alaska. 

These are but a few of the many who have given up their lives 
on the altar of Greed, sacrificed in the age-long struggle for 
Industrial Freedom. 

We charge that many thousands of members of this organization 
have been imprisoned, on most occasions arrested without warrant 
and held without charge. To verify this statement it is but neces- 
sary that you read the report of the Commission on Industrial Rela- 
tions wherein is given testimony of those who know of conditions at 
Lawrence, Massachusetts, where nearly 900 men and women were 
thrown into prison during the Textile Workers' strike at that place. 
This same report recites the fact that during the Silk Workers' 
strike at Faterson, New Jersey, nearly 1,900 men and women were 
cast into jail without charge or reason. Throughout the Northwest 
these kinds of outrages have been continually perpetrated against 
members of the I. W. W. County jails and city prisons in nearly 
every state in the Union have held or are holding members of this 
organization. 

We charge that members of the I. W. W. have been tarred and 
feathered. Frank H. Meyers was tarred and feathered by a gang 

157 




BREAKING DOWN THE CRAFT UNION FENCES THAT SEPARATE THE WORKERS. 



of prominent citizens at North Yakima, Washington. D. S. Dietz 
was tarred and feathered by a mob led by representatives of the 
Lumber Trust at Sedro-Woolley, Washington. John L. Metzen, 
attorney for the Industrial Workers of the World, was tarred and 
feathered and severely beaten by a mob of citizens at Staunton, 
Illinois. At Tulsa, Oklahoma, a mob of bankers and other business 
men gathered up seventeen members of the I. W. W., loaded them 
into automobiles, carried them out of town to a patch of woods, 
and there tarred and feathered and beat them with ropes. 

We charge that members of the Industrial Workers of the World 
have been deported, and cite the cases of Bisbee, Arizona, where 
1,164 miners, many of them members of the I. W. W., and their 
friends, were dragged out of their homes, loaded upon box-cars, and 
sent out of the camp. They were confined for months at Columbus, 
New Mexico. Many cases are now pending against the copper com- 
panies and business men of Bisbee. A large number of members 
were deported from Jerome, Arizona. Seven members of the I. W. 
W. were deported from Florence, Colorado, and were lost for days 
in the woods. Tom Lassiter, a crippled news vender, was taken 
out in the middle of the night and badly beaten by a mob for selling 
the "Liberator" and other radical papers. 

We charge that members of the I. W. W. have been cruelly and 
inhumanly beaten. Hundreds of members can show scars upon their 
lacerated bodies that were inflicted upon them when they were com- 
pelled to run the gauntlet. Joe Marko and many others were treated 
in this fashion at San Diego, California. James Rowan was nearly 
beaten to death at Everett, Washington. At Lawrence, Massachu- 
setts, the thugs of the Textile Trust beat men and women who had 
been forced to go on strike to get a little more of the good things 
of life. The shock and cruel whipping which they gave one little 
Italian woman caused her to give premature birth to a child. At 
Red Lodge, Montana, a member's home was invaded and he was 
hung by the neck before his screaming wife and children. At 
Franklin, New Jersey, August 29, 1917, John Avila, an I. W. W., 
was taken in broad daylight by the chief of police and an auto-load 
of business men to a woods near the town and there hung to a tree. 
He was cut down before death ensued and badly beaten. It was 
five hours before Avila regained consciousness, after which the town 
"judge" sentenced him to three months at hard labor. 

We charge that members of the I. W. W. have been starved. 
This statement can be verified by the conditions existing in most 
any county jail where members of the I. W. W. are confined. A 
very recent instance is at Topeka, Kansas, where members were 

159 



1 HAVE HAD/ j^f 

\ ENOUGH ofe 
\YoOT 




THE ONE BIG UNION MONTHLY 



WHO SHALL RULE "MERRY ENGLAND"? 



compelled to go on a hunger strike as a means of securing food for 
themselves that would sustain life. Members have been forced to 
resort to the hunger strike as a means of getting better food in 
many places. 

We charge that the members of the I. W. W. have been held in 
exorbitant bail. As an instance there is the case of Pietro Pierre, 
held in the county jail at Topeka, Kansas. His bond was fixed at 
$5,000, and when the amount was tendered it was immediately raised 
to $10,000. This is only one of the many instances that could be 
recorded. 

I. W. W.s have been compelled to submit to involuntary servitude. 
This does not refer to members confined in the penitentiaries, but 
we would call the reader's attention to an I. W. W. member under 
arrest at Birmingham, Alabama, tak<~n from the prison and placed 
on exhibition at a fair given in that city, where admission of twenty- 
five cents was charged to see the I. W. W. 

We charge that members of the I. W. W. have been kidnaped. 
To prove this assertion Wm. D. Haywood was carried from his home 
in Denver, Colorado, to Boise, Idaho, where he was held in prison 18 
months until finally acquitted of the charge of murder preferred 
against him. Frank Little was taken from his bed at midnight by 
masked Copper Trust gunmen, dragged with ropes behind an automo- 
bile to the Milwaukee bridge at Butte, Mont., and there hung. Geo. 
Speed and Wm. Thorne were kidnaped at Aberdeen, Washington. 
Many other similar cases have occurred. 

I. W. W. have suffered cruel and unusual punishment. At Fresno, 
California, where the jail was crowded with members, the fire de- 
partment was called and a stream of water was turned upon the 
helpless men. Their only protection was mattresses and blankets. 
One man had his eye torn out bv the water. This method cf treat- 
ment was also adopted at San Diego, California. 

We charge that members of this organization have been unjustly 
accused and "framed." This statement is proved by the present case 
against Pietro Pierre and R. J. Bobba, the latter out on bond, the 
former now confined in Topeka, Kansas, jail. Charles Krieger has 
been held for months in jail at Tulsa, Oklahoma. He is guiltless of 
any crime except of being a member of the I. W. W. 



DETROIT FREE PRESS, Feb. 5, 1917:— If Jem- Christ had saved 
one dollar a minute from the time he came on earth, 1916 years ago, 
he could not match the wealth of the oil king today. 

161 



|Tjitimimiiimiiiiiiiiii!iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii i mi 1 1 mi i in m imiininui minimi in niinn|Tl 

NEW YORK, Nov. 9. 1920.— [By Universal Service.]— * * * Doctor f 

| Shipman is pastor of the Church of the Heavenly Rest, Fifth Avenue j 

• and Forty-fifth Street. He said that the system of gouging dollars from i: 

i the unfortunate had roused him to sleeplessness and that he had written jj 

E in the middle of the night the poem which has caused so much amaze- E 

E ment — E 

THE PROFITEERS 

E You have decked your frowsy wives with borrowed splendors, 

E You have hung your daughters' necks with stolen pearls; 

Have you thought about the other wives, the lenders, S 

Or the wretches made to decorate your girls? E 

You have fashioned from the needs of sick and dying, 
E From the souls of children pleading for the right, 

E Ready cash today to do your Christmas buying, 

Ready cash to pay your light o' love tonight. S 

You have coined your filthy gold from blood and sorrow; E 

There are soldiers' graves across the fields of France, | 
E Whence the dead, who died through you, upon the morrow 

E Will arise to damn your profits with a glance. E 

= E" 

E The deathless deeds worth doing and worth telling — E 

All the things that noble men hold high and true — E 

All but seemed to you for buying and for selling, E 
E All to serve a greasy human vulture — you! 

E God! That better men should toil and sweat and labor, 

E Bear the cross and climb up Calvaries of pain, E 

While the drawling ghouls that spare not friend or neighbor E 

Damn the world to make a crucible for gain. E 

If the blackest hell, O Lord, there be a blacker; 
s If beneath the deepest pit a deeper pit; 

E Not for harlot nor for thief nor coward slacker, 

E But for these that blackest, deepest hell is fit. 

Profiteers of every sort and kind and fashion, E 

Where you tread full many other feet have trod; E 

You are ranged against the power of Christ's own passion; E 
E Hark! Behind you walk the searching feet of God! 

S — Los Angeles Examiner. 

[■Ji in in iiiiiiaiiiiMiiiMiiiiiiiiiiiii inn i umiiiiii linn iiiihiiuiiiiiii'iii mill iiiiii ii Iiimim8imiilliiinf7[ 



THE HUMAN SACRIFICE FOR PROFIT 

[By Henry George.] 

If the animals can reason, what must they think of us, . i. . 
Think of it — what a fool is a man to pass his life in this struggle 
merely to live! . . . 

I say that all this poverty and the ignorance that flows from it 
is unnecessary; I say that there is no natural reason why we should 
not all be rich, in the sense, not of having more than each other, but 
in the sense of all having enough. . . . 

There is no reason why wealth should not be so abundant that 
no one should think of such a thing as little children at work, or 
a woman compelled to toil at something that nature never intended 
her to perform. . . . There is a cause for this poverty, and if you 
trace it down, you will find its roots. 



June 5, 1920. — A telegram from Railroad Brotherhood leaders to 
the President: 

"As the responsible heads of railroad labor organizations, repre- 
senting more than 2,000,000 workers, we call attention to the fact 
that Congress has done nothing to check the evil or to punish the 
evil-doers. It appears to us that the responsible leaders of the 
Government at Washington do nothing." 

Signed by Warren S. Stone, W. S. Carter, E. L. Sheppard, E. S. 
Heberling, W. S. Lee, W. H. Johnston, J. W. Kline, J. A. Franklin, 
J. J. Hines, James P. Noonan, Martin F. Ryan, E. J. Manion, E. F. 
Gravle, E. H. Fitzgerald, Timothy Shea, D. W. Healy, B. M. JewelL 



THE FORD INTERNATIONAL WEEKLY, Dec. 27, 1919:— Over 
216,000 women in the British Isles were widowed by the war. 

THE PORTLAND NEWS, Dec. 18, 1912:— If banks cannot run busi- 
ness they will do their best to kill it. Such is the attitude of the 
banks. 

THE COMMONWEALTH, May 22, 1920:— Wars are made by the 
ruling classes and fought by the masses. They bring wealth and 
power to the privileged few and suffering, death and desolation to- 
the many. 

163 













■.m 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



JUSTICE FOR THE COLORED RACE 

HOW HE CAN GET IT. 

[This was copied from a leaflet, thousands of which were distrib- 
uted in the State of Washington.] 

Two lynchings a week — one every three or four days — that is the 
rate at which the people in this "land of the free and home of the 
crave" have been killing colored men and women for the past thirty 
years — 3,224 Negroes known to have been put to death by mobs in 
this country since 1889, and put to death with every kind of torture 
that human fiends could invent. 

Even during the war, while colored soldiers were being obliged 
to "fight for democracy" abroad, ninety-two of their race were 
lynched at home. 

The wrongs of the Negro in the United States are not confined 
to lynchings, however. When allowed to live and work for the com- 
munity, he is subjected to constant humiliation, injustice and dis- 
crimination. In the cities he is forced to live in the meanest dis- 
tricts, where his rent is doubled and tripled, wii^e conditions of 
health and safety are neglected in favor of the white sections. In 
many states he is obliged to ride in special "Jim Crow T " cars, hardly 
fit for cattle. Almost everywhere all semblance of political rights is 
denied him. 

["The normal average death rate of males in a city is about 
14.710 per 1,000; for Negroes, 28.710 per 1,000."— New York Times, 
February 22, 1919.] 

The Colored Worker Everywhere Unfairly Treated. 

When the Negro goes to ]ook for work he meets with the same 
systematic discrimination. Thousands of jobs are closed to him 
solely on account of his color. He is considered fit only for the most 
menial occupations. In many cases he has to accept a lower wage 
than is paid to white men for the same work. [The wages of col- 
ored kitchen workers in New York City average $20 a month lower 
than white employes.] Everywhere the odds are against him in the 
struggle for existence. 

Throughout this land of liberty, so-called, the Negro worker is 
treated as an inferior; he is underpaid in his work and overcharged 
in his rent; he is kicked about, cursed and spat upon; in short, he 
is treated, not as a human being, but as an animal, a beast of bur- 
den for the ruling class. When he tries to improve his condition, 

165 



THE ONE BIG UNION MONTHLY 




THE WISE GUY 



Wobbly: "Better come aboard — it's going to blow." 

Wm. Shears: "NutthV doin'! You guys are too damn radical! 



he is shoved back into the mire of degradation and poverty and 
told to "keep his place". 

How can the "Negro combat this widespread injustice? How can 
he not only put a stop to lynchings but force the white race to grant 
him equal treatment? How can he get his rights as a human 
being ? 

Protests, petitions and resolutions will never accomplish any- 
thing. It is useless to waste time and money on them. The gov- 
ernment is in the hands of the ruling class of white men and will 
do as they wish. No appeal to the political powers will ever secure 
justice for the Negro. 

The Master Class Fears the Organized Worker. 

He has, however, one weapon that the master-class fears — the 
power to fold his arms and refuse to work for the community until 
he is guaranteed fair treatment. Remember how alarmed the South 
became over the emigration of colored workers two years ago, and 
what desperate means were used to try to keep them from leaving 
the mills and cotton fields? The only power of the Negro is his 
power as a worker; his only weapon is the strike. Only by organ- 
izing and refusing to work for those who abuse him can he put an 
end to the injustice and oppression he now endures. 

The colored working men and women of the United States must 
organize in defense of their rights. They must join together in labor 
unions so as to be able to enforce their demands for an equal share 
of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." When they are in a 
position to say to any community, "If you do not stop discrimination 
against the colored race, we will stop working for you," the hidden 
forces behind the government will see to it that lynchings cease and 
discrimination comes to an end. Only by threatening to withdraw 
their labor power and thereby cripple industry and agriculture can 
the Negroes secure equal treatment with other workers. 

The Workers of Every Race Must Join Together. 

The workers of every race and nationality must join in one 
common group against their one common enemy — the employer — 
so as to be able to defend themselves and one another. Protection 
for the working class lies in complete solidarity of the workers, 
without regard to race, creed, sex or color. . . . 

Trade Unions Do Not Want the Negro. 

Most American labor organizations, however, shut their doors to 
the colored worker. The American Federation of Labor excludes 

167 




THE HAND OF LABOR SUPPORTS THE WORLD 



him from many of its unions. In those to which he is admitted he 
is treated as an inferior. The Negro has no chance in the old-time 
"trade unions. They do not want him. They admit him only under 
compulsion and treat him with contempt. Their officials, who dis- 
courage strikes for higher wages or shorter hours, are always ready, 
as in the case of the Switchmen's Union, to permit a strike aimed 
to prevent the employment of colored men. . . . 

. . . The Industrial Workers of the World. The first section of 
its by-laws provides that "no working man or woman shall be 
excluded from membership because of creed or color." This principle 
lias been scrupulously lived up to since the organization was founded. 
In the I. W. W. the colored worker, man or woman, is on an equal 
footing with every other worker. He has the same voice in deter- 
mining the policies of the organization, and his interests are pro- 
tected as zealously as those of any other member. . . . 

. . . All the workers in each industry, whatever their particular 
line of work may be, into. One Big Industrial Union. In this way 
the industrial power of the workers is combined, and, when any of 
them have a disagreement with their employer, they are backed by 
the united support of all the workers in that industry. . . . 

... Do not believe the lies being told about the I. W. W. by the 
liired agents of the capitalists — the press, preachers and politicians. 
They are paid to deceive the workers and lead them astray. They 
are hired to throw dust in their eyes because the master-class does 
not dare to let them know the truth. . . . 

. . . We therefore urge you to join with your fellow workers 
of every race in the ONE BIG UNION OF THE INDUSTRIAL 
WORKERS OF THE WORLD. 

1001 West Madison St., Chicago, 111. 

[NOTE:— The I. W. W. admits to membership every wage-worker, 
man or woman, young or old, skilled or unskilled. Its plan of organ- 
ization includes all workers. No matter what your occupation, if you 
work for wages, you can get a union card in the I. W. W.] 



[The Seattle Star, December 21, 1920.] 

A group of government officials dealing in coal through a pool 
riiade a profit of about $675,000, the special Senate investigating 
committee was told in executive session by George H. Cushing, man- 
aging director of the Wholesale Coal Association. 



169 




THE MESSENGER:— What the poor need is Justice, not Charity. 
. . . Without the poor to produce the necessities of life for them, 
the rich would starve. . . . The property owners say to the poor, 
"Unless you create profits for us, you have no right to live." . . . 
. . . Because the Negro has begun to refuse to submit to abject 
slavery, the white exploiter hates him. 

THE FORD INTERNATIONAL WEEKLY:— The United States has 
paid the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad $30,000,000 for the 
"rent of its properties" during the time the railroads were under 
the control of the Government during the war. 

PACIFIC COAST METAL TRADES WORKER, Jan. 24, 1920:— 
While we, as common citizens, were working our best to win the 
war, the United States Steel Corporation made $1,300,000,000 net 
profit. 



OREGON LABOR PRESS, Jan. 8, 1916:— There's a whole lot of 
people waking up to the fact that one of the principal things that 
is the matter with this country is the banking system. 



EDITOR FINDS WAR PROFITS ENORMOUS 
BY FEDERAL REPORT 

By Charles Grant Miller. 

[Seattle Union Record, May 31, 1920.] 

I do happen to know that our nation's volume of money has 
been increased in four years from three and a third billions to 
five and a half billions — but who's got it? Why not the truth 
. . . Where does the press get all these funk, fictitious excuses 
for high prices? . . . This dynamic document shows that coal op- 
erators' profits in 1917 actually ranged in one instance as high 
as 7,856 per cent, or 78 times the capitalization. Of the 404 coal 
companies 185 (nearly half) made profits of 100 per cent and up. 
The net income of all the 404 companies, having a total capital stock 
of $175,000,000, was $78,000,000, or nearly 45 per cent. 

Why is it that the newspapers and press associations so eagerly 
accept the propaganda of officials and even former officials and fear 
or at least fail to draw directly upon the official and original sources 
of information? Has individual journalistic enterprise and initia- 
tive been utterly destroyed by the "hand-out"? . . . Why does the 
press hold back? . . . The effect that every man, woman and child 
in the United States contributed to all the coal companies in 1917 
and shivered through that bitter winter while contributing profits of 
45 per cent? Why not print the facts? . . . Coal operators are not 
alone. Meat packing, according to the senate document, was making 
profits in 1917 ranging as high as 4,244 per cent; canners of fruits 
and vegetables, as high as 2,032; woolen mills, 1,770; furniture 
manufacturers, 3,295; clothing and dry goods stores, 9,826; and — 
now hold your breath — a steel company with a capital stock of 
$5,000 made a net income of $14,549,925, a net profit of 290,999 per 
cent. A net profit of 290,999 per cent in one year! Is there not a 
bigger newspaper story in this than in an obscure haberdasher's 
buying a few collars at 20 cents and selling at 30? I ask, isn't 
this the news to which the public is entitled rather than predigested 
propaganda? Why don't the press associations serve the public in- 
terest by wiring far and wide these stupendous facts of profiteering ? 
Now, nobody is asked to take my word for these figures. They are 
of official record. Go verify them. Call the Washington corre- 
spondents away from the free lunch counter of publicity pap and 
get them busy. These figures are not based on hearsay, or rumor, 
or gossip, or guess, but are the income tax returns of the com- 
panies themselves as officially reported by the secretary of the 
treasury to the senate. . . . Protection of Profiteers' Newspapers 

171 




Members and officers of the Communist Labor Party of California indicted Jan- 
uary 2, 1920, for alleged violation of the State Criminal Syndicalism Law. Front 
row, left to right — J. G. Wieler, John C. Taylor, C Aylward Tobey, Max Bedacht, 
Edric B. Smith. Back row, left to right — J. E. Snyder, James H. Dolsen, J. A- 
Ragsdale. 



NOBLE FIGHTERS FOR THE CAUSE OF THE WORKERS 



.;- . < : :;-:.'>v~ 
h-l^ :III ill 




ARTURO GIOVANNITTI 



JOSEPH J. ETTOR 



In a prison cell, accused by capitalists' agents of a crime committed 
by a policeman. 

They organized the 25,000 Lawrence textile workers, whose wages 
averaged less than six dollars a week. The bosses were defeated, the mill 
workers won. 

"Let spies and legal ke"pt men follow their instructions and swear 
against us, our only 'crime' is Loyalty to the Working Class, and if death, 
is to be the reward, we will give our lives with a song on our lips." 



that are so valiantly fighting government ownership of these great 
grafting corporations, properly so, peihaps — might also valiantly 
and properly fight the payment of their full value in profits by 
the people, who, instead of acquiring ownership of them, are owned 
by them as subjects for continued extortion. Basil Manly did find 
out by patient comparisons between the United States Steel Corpora- 
tion's income tax returns and its own published statement of profits 
that in the years of 1916 and 1917, after all allowances, its net 
profits amounted to $888,931,511, which is $20,000,000 more than 
the total stock of the corporation. Besides its original $500,000,000 
common stock was nothing but water at that. . . . The Wool in the 
Suit — what are the facts about profiteering in clothing? . . . The 
45 woolen and worsted mills listed in the senate document, one 
made 1,770 per cent profit in a year. Is it surpris ; ng that 17 of 
them reported net incomes of more than 100 per cent? Is it now 
incredible that one woolen company, with a capital of $60,000,000, 
secretly reported to the treasury a net income of $28,560,342, while 
it publicly declares a net profit of only $13,883,155? Are we not 
now prepared to believe the official reports that one clothing and 
dry goods store made a profit in one year of 9,826 per cent — 98 
times its investment — and that one of every ten throughout the 
country made more than 100 per cent? How T long are the people 
to be led by the press? . . . There is the packing concern that 
made 4,244 per cent profit in one year. . . . But Armour & Co. 
reported for 1917 a net profit of only $30,628,157, and Swift & Co. 
only $34,650,000. . . . These official facts are the rightful property 
of the people; they are vitally essential to public information; they 
lead to the very heart of the conditions that are agonizing the nation. 
Hidden in them lies a large part of the answer to the puzzling 
question, why the people pay, pay, pay more and more and get 
continually less and less for their money. . . . War profits created 
18,000 new millionaires in this country — is this our glory? One 
millionaire was made to every three of our boys killed in France — 
is that our gain? What these thousands profiteer and hoard the 
millions work and pay — is this our freedom? Is it not a time for a 
patriotic press to rise in sturdy independence, throw off the shackles 
of the "hand-out" and present facts? 



THE FORD INTERNATIONAL WEEKLY:—. . . One of the favo- 
rite arguments of those who believe in the "Wizard" (Charles Ponzi) 
as the crowds love to call him, is that the banks and bankers have 
been doing what Ponzi is doing, but have kept the huge profits 
themselves, while Ponzi shares them with the people. . . . 

173 



tweutth tear. »te^i . EHE BiSTISa COLOMBIA PEDERATIONIST 




{Drawn fwtTfce ¥mew*»& : Vr*mhy AltwrtTWaHeny 



[Taken from "Common Sense," Feb., 1920. Published by Wm. H. 
Coin Harvey, Montene, Arkansas.] 

. . . The earth is ready at the touch of industry and intel- 
ligence to make a home for each, and every one comfortable. . . . 
There is something radically wrong in our civilization. What is it? 
... In the organism of a civilization it was found to be necessary 
and it is necessary to have a medium of exchange, what we call 
money. . . . Usury means interest. . . . 

. . . About 60 years ago the people were forced to become bor- 
rowers under obligation to return it with interest. . . . The money 
lender takes advantage of these necessities. . . . 

Elliott in his work on Usury, page 182, says: "One cent loaned 
January 1, A. D. 1, drawing interest at the rate of 6 per cent, com- 
pounded annually, on January 1, 1895, would amount to $8,487,840,- 
000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000 5 000,000,000,000 ; I00, (8,487,480,000 de- 
cillion dollars). To pay this in gold, 23.2 grains to the dollar, using 
it in spheres of pure gold the size of the earth, it would take 610,- 
070,000,000,000,000 spheres of gold to pay the debt." Many illustra- 
tions have been given by writers and proof abundant that the profits 
of money lending are greater than the profits of industry; and it 
is only a question of time when the moneyed aristocracy is created. 
. . . The American Bankers' Association, with its controlling spirit 
in New York City, is today the strongest and most powerful or- 
ganization in the United States. With its influence reaching down 
through the thousands of member banks, it wields a power in mold- 
ing public sentiment to the remotest corner of the nation. . . . 

... In the minds of many will be the question, How can we 
get along without banks? What can be substituted to take their 
place? When we get to that in its proper order the answer will 
be sufficient and satisfactory. . . . Usury gives the money lenders 
the possession of the money. The people are forced to go to them 
and borrow it to keep exchanges moving. ... A bank with a capital 
and surplus of $100,000 can loan $500,000 and still have its $100,000. 

. . . They are not loaning actual money, they are loaning credit, 
which is made possible by the deposit and checking system. . . . 
On five billion dollars of capital and surplus the banks are drawing 
interest on twenty-five billion dollars. . . . 

The people are now in debt to the banking system more than 
$25,222,849,814. There are other money-lenders than those engaged 
in the banking system. Many who are stockholders in the banks 
also loan money or "shave paper" privately, and there are many 
others who do strictly a private business at it. Among them are 

175 



AMERICA'S FOREMOST LABOR LAWYERS 




CLARENCE DARROW 



GEO. VANDERVEER 





FRANK P. WALSH 



CHARLES E. S. WOOD 



trust companies for loaning money that are not banks of deposit. 
Insurance companies loan hundreds of millions of dollars and find 
it so profitable as to pay losses and show net profits of hundreds 
of millions of dollars. . . . The pawnbroker, who makes 50 and 100 
per cent off of the poor in distress. . . . 

. . . Ten thousand dollars kept at compound 6 per cent interest, 
beginning 100 years ago, is now 3 million 300 thousand dollars. . . . 

The money-lenders, one per cent of the people, have amassed a 
wealth in bonds and notes for an amount equal to one-half the fair 
value of all the property, real and personal, in the United States; 
the annual interest on which five billion dollars, with added thereto 
annually six billion dollars national, state and county taxation, mak- 
ing an annual total of eleven billion dollars, that is gradually con- 
fiscating the property of the people. . . . 

. . . The money power is in full control at Washington. 

. . . Why does not the press publish the constitution of the 
Farmers' Non-partisan League of the Dakotas? 

There is no time to lose! We yet have the .« . . semi -free press 
. . . with the money-lenders holding 80 billion dollars of debts, an- 
nually increasing; their created allies, the monopolies of foodstuffs 
and articles of manufacture, holding the nation in their grip, in 
the one hand, and the exploited millions of people on the the other 
hand! . . . Selfishness is not confined to the rich. There are as 
many narrow and selfish people in proportion to number among the 
poor and middle classes as among the rich. . . . 

To Bankers and Other Money-Lenders: If you have read care- 
fully the reason given, the facts, statistics and authorities cited, it is 
reasonable to suppose that you now know that .you are committing 
a great wrong toward society. I am personally acquainted with 
several hundred gentlemen in your business, and believe, from know- 
ing that number, that many of you will come right and help recon- 
struct civilization with usury eliminated. You are not to blame for 
doing what you have done; few have known the facts in regard to 
this subject; it has been regarded as a proper and legitimate busi- 
ness, and it was here when you came into this life. . . . 

... A continuation of the system of money-lending will bring in- 
creased suffering, despotism and internal revolution in which you 
may lose all, including life itself! . . . 

... To Business Men: With many of you, to make "ends meet" 
you are busy and do not take time to investigate the cause of unrest. 
You have not, probably, heretofore investigated this subject. . . . 

... To Labor Unions: The Money Trust created a condition that 
forced you to organize. ... 

177 



STAR— TUESDAY, JUNE 11, 1918. PAGE ^™ 



The Handwriting on the Wall 



^&23Z3^ III 



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^^fa^g^ I 181 






NEGROES A CHANGED PEOPLE 

[The Commonwealth.] 

The Negro did not run in Chicago nor in Washington and in 
my judgment he is not going to run anywhere. And the reason is 
that he has found himself. He knows now that he is a man. That 
makes the difference. He knows that he has under the Constitution 
of the United States certain rights declared to be inalienable and that 
these rights are denied to him. He knows that merely because of 
the color of his skin he is put at a disadvantage with his fair skinned 
brother, and he knows that the discrimination is an indefensible 
wrong. He knows that no matter what may be his character, his 
attainments, industry, skill or worth, every avenue of advancement 
is closed to him because of his color. He knows that because of his 
color he is debarred from making his livelihood by any except the 
most menial occupations. He knows that he and his children are 
branded by that one mark of color and consigned by it to the pit 
of a caste from which there is no escape, and he feels in his heart 
and knows in his mind that all this is contrary to elemental justice, 
to the American tradition and to the law of God. 

He sees elaborate preparations begun to enforce the Eighteenth 
Amendments to the Constitution, although that amendment is but 
a fanatic's dream, and he knows that nobody intends to enforce the 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the same Constitution, 
although these embody his sacred rights. 

He has looked upon all these things until the iron has entered 
his soul. He will not run away again. He will stand and fight. He 
has reached that point where a man would as lief die as continue 
to live under what he deems intolerable conditions of justice, and 
when any men reach that state of mind it is but wisdom to heed their 
protests. 

It will be said in some quarters that this stalwart state of mind 
in the Negroes is the result of agitation among them by pestilent 
troublemakers; that if the Negro had been left alone as he was 
at the close of the Civil War he would still be servile and submis- 
sive; that foolish agitation has put into his head notions of equality 
and justice. This is puerile nonsense and gross ignorance. The truth 
is the Negro has been left quite alone. Hardly one white person 
in a million has ever manifested the slightest interest in his wel- 
fare or wrongs. The whole of his marvelous and unexampled prog- 
ress in the last fifty years he has achieved himself, not only un- 
aided but in the face of the bitterest prejudice and often an active 
opposition. Among a people so avid of education and so indomitably 

/ 179 



bent upon improving their condition some form of revolt was in- 
evitable. 

From 19C0 to 1910 the Negroes of this country, by their own 
efforts, reduced the percentage of illiteracy among their people from 
49 to 39, and that in the face of the fact that Southern states, where 
most of the Negroes and most of the illiteracy exist, are frankly 
organized to prevent Negro education. And it is from this source 
and none other that the new spirit comes. 

The simple fact is that being freed from slavery the Negro was 
certain to learn to read, that learning to read he was certain to be- 
come aware of the stupid and baseless injustice practiced against him, 
that becoming aware of this and being a man he was certain to re- 
sent it. 



[From Pearson's Magazine.] 

This information is given by a man who had complete power 
of attorney during the imprisonment of Nikolai Lenine, and spent 
the last ten years with Mr. Lenine: ". . . Lenine ... is hardly un- 
derstood by any living soul . . . Everybody, the great diplomat and 
multi-millionaire, as well as the menial and fanatic; the most in- 
tellectual leaders of parties and of nations, as well as small clerks 
and adventurers; all recognize in him a Master. Your papers speak 
of Lenine, 'The Mob Leader,' 'The Bolshevik,' 'The Proletarian,' what 
nonsense! ... 

". . . Your capitalists here are frightened because they were 
told Lenine wishes to put everybody to work. . . . The rich today 
have all the advantages of education, their money buys the refine- 
ments of life and, therefore, they become cultured. . . . Lenine said, 
'We must labor and work for the proletriat.' '. . . But the prole- 
tariats do not and cannot understand us as yet . . By all means 
we must give them bread . . . We must try to lift them out of 
their own sphere. If we don't, they will be unhappy, unable to develop, 
a menace to us and to the whole world . . . The working man must 
get the fruits of his labor . . .' 

"Lenine does not hate capitalists, millionaires and the great 
nobles of the Old World. His quarrels are with systems not with 
persons. He knows the power of money . . . But at present he 
wishes to fight with the weapons of the enemy . . . 

". . . His dressing room shows taste. . . . He rises at 5 o'clock 
in the morning . . . writes until 8 o'clock. His breakfast consisting 

181 



THE ONE BIG UNION MONTHLY 

July, 1919. 




THE MEXICAN SITUATION 



of eggs, coffee and rolls, is brought in with his mail and his tele- 
grams. The balance- of the forenoon is devoted to answering his 
correspondence. . . . He even mails his own letters after they are 
written. . . . He lunches in the best restaurants and hotels. His 
guests at lunch are his agents. . . . Once in a while he excuses 
himself, disappears in a telegraph office and dispatches messages. 
His mind is certainly working. ... He always carries several thou- 
sand francs in his pockets. . . . He knows a Russian whenever he 
spies one on the street. He can tell from what part of Russia 
the man comes. 

"... I must say here, that we, who were associates of Lenine 
for years past, considered him a leader long before the world knew 
him as the Prime Minister of Russia. . . . During the winter of 1916 
he gave away about twenty-five overcoats. Walking in the street 
he would see a Russian shivering in the cold, take off his coat and 
give it to him. 'Now don't pawn it, and don't sell it. It is a dis- 
grace for a human being to be insufficiently clad . . .' 

". . . Lenine loves pictures. He could hardly trust himself in 
an artist's studid when he had much money. . . . He loves books. 
. . . His English is poor and so is his French. . . . He thought 
Liebknecht the greatest living German. . . . He loves to go to shows, 
to hear good music. . . . Lenine believes that all artists and writers 
ought to be well paid so that they may enjoy life and go on creating 
beautiful things for their fellow men . . . 

". . . Lenine is one of the most domineering men I have met in 
my life. ... He is very careful, always thinking ahead of time. 
. . . He does not show joy or sorrow. He is always the same. 
He dismisses his friends usually about midnight and sometimes 
writes until 2 or 3 o'clock in the morning. He wishes to be alone 
before he retires. . . . He never speaks about his youth, about the 
first thirty years of his life. . . . His ambition is to give to the 
masses a good living first of all. . . . 

"... I have seen Lenine in the society of the richest and of 
the greatest nobles of the Old World; he always seemed to be richer 
than the richest and nobler than the noblest. And they themselves 
must have felt it, because all bowed before him. He is one of the 
greatest of men, and today the Master of Europe." 



NEW SOLIDARITY, Oct. 11, 1919:— The mine owners say our goal 
is their coal, but we deny the coal is theirs. They never put it in 
the ground, neither do they take it out. 

183 







*«PI 



h 




PROUDHON ROBERT INGERSOLL 












MARX HENRY GEORGE 



AN ARTICLE BY NICOLAI LENIN 

[The Seattle Daily Times, December 1, 1S20.] 

By Nicolai Lenin: I see that some of the English Labor Dep- 
uties, who recently visited Russia, criticize me fo± net being suf- 
ficiently acquainted with English conditions. As a matter of fact, 
they struck me as being curiously ignorant of English conditions, 
themselves. . . . They think the king is impartial, though it is as 
clear as daylight that he is inextricably allied to the reactionaries. 
He did not punish those reactionaries who took direct action in 
Ulster six years ago, but he punished mercilessly those republicans 
v who take direct action today in the south of Ireland. If the miners 
rebel against the exactions of the lords, King George will shoot 
them down like dogs. 

If the reactionaries bring illegal and extra-parliamentary action 
to bear upon a labor government, the king will inevitably be with 
the reactionaries. And undoubtedly such extra-Parliamentary action 
will be taken by the bourgeois if ever British labor gets a majority 
in the House of Commons. It has been taken already under high 
sounding names, and it will be taken again if ever labor dares to 
pass legislation which is distasteful to the conservatives. 

Despite the care with which the biographies and letters of recent 
English sovereigns have been censored, it is abundantly clear that 
they are all violently opposed to the proletariat. But British labor 
leaders do not read these things. . . . 

Not but that I am sure the British workers will, in course of 
time, establish the rule of the proletariat. Following their own 
unnecessary cautious methods, they will frequently go on strike, 
the government will always give way, and as the appetite of the 
worker will be rather whetted than appeased by the sops that are 
thrown to it, a day will come when the workers will want every- 
thing—and will get it. 

Unfortunately the proletariat outside Russia does not realize 
the, desperate necessity that exists for swift action on their part. 

. . . We have constituted for the first time in history a govern- 
ment of the poor and of the oppressed. We have turned the minds 
of all the world proletariat toward a new icl^a 1 which ceu r 1 m-ver 
have been so vividly impressed on them by whole libraries of Com- 
munist literature. The great French revolution placed the academic 
theories about the rights of man on a pinnacle from which they 
can never be displaced. Our Bolshevik revolution has graven f or- 

185 



DEMOCRACY? 



*£he World 




ever on the heart of humanity the words: "Dictatorship of the 
Proletariat." 

The workers of the world will never again be the same. They 
will tend to unite all over the earth; they will grow in strength; 
they will prevent anything like the great war of 1914 from ever 
being repeated. The capitalists, the militarists and the kings have 
now a new force to reckon with. Formerly they declared war with- 
out considering the worker at all. They will have to take him 
very seriously into their calculations during the short time that still 
remains to them of curtailed and frightened rule. For the prole- 
tariat knows that it is expected to die in millions while capitalists, 
generals and kings yell encouragement to it from some safe retreat 
in the rear. 

That sort of thing is now gone forever. The miner of the Urals 
has no earthly reason for shooting the miner of Westphalia or the 
miner of Yorkshire, but every reason to join hands with him. No 
war lord can ever make the workers fight again. The spell is 
broken. The chains are smashed. 

The French revolution was denounced by reactionary writers 
in exactly the same languages as the Bolshevik revolution is now 
being denounced. . . . 

English orators weep over the sufferings of the poor Russian 
capitalist today as their predecessors wept over the sufferings of 
Marie Antoinette, but who thinks about the queen of France today, 
and who will think about the capitalist tomorrow except as an ex- 
tinct beast of prey? The future is with us. We are advancing 
along the lines laid down by economic laws and by history. The 
others are lagging behind as Prussia lagged behind France in 1790. 

... In our gloomiest moments we can always reckon with con- 
fidence on some blunder of the Entente. Lloyd George has probably 
committed as many mistakes as he could possibly commit, and to 
these mistakes we owe our existence. The incurable stupidity of 
England and France is the greatest asset of the Russian Communist 
republic, which was founded by their mad policy of forcing Keren- 
sky to continue the war and take Constantinople at a time when 
Russia was wearied to death and which was consolidated by their 
intervention. 

I was very much attracted, when a youth, by the noble senti- 
ments of liberty and justice, which I read in French and English 
newspapers. I said to myself, "The men who write these articles 
fear nothing. Their sole aim is to succor the helpless, to cham- 

187 









'■■ '..'■'' :''HN f:kA.CL.'i::A 



DAVID KIRK WOOD 



STRIKE LEADERS OF THE CLYDE 



pion the poor and to denounce injustice." The speeches of foreign 
orators made a similar impression on me. When I grew older and 
traveled abroad, I was soon disillusioned. I discovered that 99 per 
cent of these orators and writers were on sale to the highest bidder. 



[The Seattle Star, December 21, 1920.] 

Mr. Vanderlip has procured a 60-year lease en 400,000 square 
miles in Siberia. Mr. Vanderlip says: 

"Russia can go on fighting at their present strength of 4,000,000 
men for seven years, or longer, if necessary. . . . British propa- 
ganda . . . prevents Americans from learning the true, state of 
affairs in Russia. . . . England fears the rising tide of a great, phys- 
ical, constructive and intellectual force which may some day rock 
the British Empire. ... It was the desire of England and France, 
foolishly aided by our president, to separate the mighty Russian 
nation into a dozen quarreling states over which they ccu'd exercise 
domination. ..." 



[Taken from the National Civil Liberties Bureau, which has 
issued the following statement from its headquarters, 41 Union 
Square, New York City] : 

"... In the cases cited in the Attorney-General's report as typi- 
cal of those prosecuted under the Espionage Act there is not one case 
in which the prisoner was convicted of being a paid German spy, or 
of even trying to find out military secrets. All the convictiens which 
are reported arose under which the maximum sentence is two years. 
. . . American citizens exercising (perhaps without discretion) the 
right of free speech in war time have been sentenced to as high as 
twenty years in the penitentiary. ..." 



THE CLASS STRUGGLE, Nov., 1919:— Ameiican wcikers, you must 
realize this and bear it firmly in mind. You must know that every 
American soldier sailing for Russia goes there to shed the blood of 
the Russian workers and peasants who are new engaged in a des- 
perate struggle against the capitalists of the world. . . . This slogan 
has already been adopted by the British, French and Italian workers. 
In Great Britain, France and in Italy the workers are refusing to 
load ships with ammunition and provisions destined for the ports 
of Soviet Russia. The soldiers are refusing to go to the Russian 
fronts. 

189 



-^THE WORLD^December 6, ISIS 

******************** 




|"»W*Mns«tttv<»m7Toi9yov ih*t T*je <aj«T >ft>iM> v#«5. HW e«PE> W»CT Belize them it HftS Jusi &E 



fi-U.Mj * 



INGERSOLL ON LIBERTY. 

To preserve liberty is the only use for government. There is 
no other excuse for legislatures, or presidents, or courts; or statutes, 
or decisions. 

Liberty is not only simply a means — it is an end. Take from our 
history, our literature, our laws, our hearts — that word, and we are 
naught but molded clay! 

Liberty is the one priceless jewel. It includes and holds and is 
the weal and wealth of life. Liberty is the soil, and light and rain — 
it is the plant and bud and flower and fruit — and in that sacred 
word lie all the seeds of Progress, Love and Joy! 

Liberty is not a social question. Civil equality is not social equal- 
ity. We are equal only in rights. No two persons are of equal 
weight or height. There are no two leaves in all the forests of the 
earth alike — no two blades of grass — no two grains of sand — no two 
hairs. No two anythings in the physical world are precisely alike. 
Neither mental nor physical equality can be created by law, but law 
recognizes the fact that all men have been clothed with equal rights 
by Nature, the mother of us all. 

The man who hates the black man, because he is black, has the 
same spirit as he who hates the poor man because he is poor. It 
is the spirit of caste. The proud useless despises the honest useful. 
The parasite idleness scorns the great oak of labor on which it feeds, 
and that lifts it to the light. 

I am the inferior of any man whose rights I trample under foot. 
Men are not superior by reason of the accidents of race or color. 
They are superior who have the best heart — the best brain. Superi- 
ority is born of honesty, of virtue, of charity; and, above all, of the 
love of Liberty! 

The superior man is the providence of the inferior. He is the 
eyes of the blind, strength of the weak, and shield for the defenseless. 
He stands erect by bending over the fallen. He rises by lifting 
others. 



SEATTLE UNION RECORD, July 18, 1919:— Hats off to Henry 
Ford for admitting i! "I was a murderer," he says, "the same as 
everyone else. I manufactured munitions to kill men!" Yes, Henry 
did it. He did it for his country. He did it, we assume, because 
he believed that, under the circumstances, it was the only thing to 
do. . . . War is murder! 

191 





Y,\W 



UNWARRANTED OPTIMISM 

[The Butte Daily Bulletin, July 21, 1919.] 

Financiers are peculiar in many respects; their reasoning is some- 
times difficult to follow. 

Let us take, for instance, the optimistic attitude of the financial 
and industrial lords of these United States: 

Having bought nothing but war munitions for the last five years, 
Europe, they say, must by the ending of the war become an almost 
inexhaustible market for our raw and manufactured materials. 

Our financiers seem to have overlooked the question of pay- 
ment, although this .is generally the first consideration; no one has 
yet explained how the European peoples, groaning under an enor- 
mous tax burden before the war, are to meet the impossible bur- 
dens of the gigantic war debts. 

Let us take the case of Italy, whose government was supposed 
to enter the war only to further the cause of world democracy. 

One of the five powers, Italy, is bankrupt; her people are starv- 
ing, yet her financiers and diplomats still cling to the ideas and voice 
the jargon of the imperialists. 

Look at these figures given by Flavio Venanzi, an Italian, writ- 
ing in The Nation of July 12: 

Revenues Expenses Deficit 

1913-14 2,523,000,000 2,687,000,000 164,000,000 

1914-15 : 2,559,000,000 5,395,000,000 2,836,000,000 

1915-16 3,733,000,000 10,625,000,000 6,892,000,000 

1916-17 5,345,000,000 17,595,000,000 12,250,000,000 

1917-18 7,680,000,000 25,339,000,000 17,659,000,000 



21,840,0.00,000 61,641,000,000 39,801,000,000 

This table shows that the total revenue from 1913 to 1918 was 
21,840,000,000 lire, whereas if there had been no war it could have 
amounted only to about 13 billion lire. There is a deficit in those 
five years of nearly 40 billion lire. 

Following the last accurate calculations of Maggiorino Ferraris, 
one of the most conservative and reliable statisticians of Europe, the 
debts growing out of the Italian war expenses up to October 31, 
1918, were: 

193 




THIS NEW PHOTOGRAPH OF LENIN, STANDING IN THE COURTYARD OF 
THE KREMLIN, WAS BROUGHT TO AMERICA BY ISAAC McBRIDE 



War Loan Lire 

First, Second and Third 4,628,000,000 

Fourth 3,986,000,000 

Fifth 6,123,000,000 

# 14,737,000,000 

Quinquennial and triennial treasury bonds (5%) 3,052,000,000 

Ordinary treasury bonds ' 9,240,000,000 

Treasury bond and foreign debts 13,851,000,000 

Notes issued by the government (not including the 

Buoni di Cassa for 1 and 2 lire) 2,046,000,000 

Notes issued by the banks of issue for government 

account _ 6,536,000,000 



Total lire 49,462,000,000 

and calculating an average expense of$ a billion lire from October 
31, 1918, until June 30, 1919, a very low estimate, and three billion 
lire of extraordinary expenses, the total debt, including the pre-war 
debts, will climb to these enormous figures: 

Old debts to August, 1914, lire 13,636,000,000 

War debts to October 31, 1918 49,462,000,000 

From October 31, 1918, to June 30, 1919 11,000,000,000 



Total lire 74,098,000,000 

The total national wealth of Italy is about 100 billion lire. Her 
debt is approximately 80 billion lire. Italy is therefore mortgaged 
for at least three-fourths and probably four-fifths of her national 
wealth. The Italian people can never pay the interest on this stu- 
pendous sum, to say nothing of retiring the principal. The same 
condition obtains in a greater or less degree in every country in 
Europe. 

What, then, is the basis for the apparent optimism of the 
American financiers ? 

Just this and nothing more: 

They are laboring under the de'usion that the European workers 
can be enslaved by force of arms and forced to work for the inter- 
national banking syndicates. 

Impossible as it sounds, it is the cn 1 ^ thing en which cur financial 
structure is maintaining itself, and it also is founded on a fallacy. 

Let us suppose that the German, /u^trian, Russian and Italian 
workers are forced to labor for a pittance at the point of the 
bayonet. 

195 




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* STATE FUV. 




"^^'AW 



& 



Down at the Jefferson City (Missouri) Prison they say the "whipping post" is 
a thing- of the past. There are those, however, who shake their heads. Here is the 
picture of the whipping posts at the prison where Kate O'Hare served a portion of 
her sentence of five years. (Kate O'Hare above in insert.) 



Laying aside all questions of the impossibility of recruiting the 
troops willing to act in this capacity, what would be the effect on 
the American worker? 

The commodities produced under these circumstances would, be- 
cause of their cheapness, displace the products of the American 
worker. Unemployment would be the inevitable result in this coun- 
try, and unemployment today means the overthrow of the system 
that causes it. 

Reason from any angle you choose and you come to the same 
conclusion: that capitalism as the expression of a system of pro- 
duction and distribution has outlived its usefulness. Its collapse is 
inevitable, and even today it is only maintaining itself by suppression 
and the horrible brutalities that always accompany the death of a 
system. 

The task of the international working class is to install the new 
order on the ruins of the old. 



THE WORKINGMAN. 

[Seattle Union Record.] 



He makes everything. 

He makes butter and eats oleo. 

He makes overcoats and freezes. 

He builds palaces and lives in shacks. 

He raises the corn and eats the husks. 

He builds automobiles and walks home. 

He makes kid gloves and wears mittens. 

He makes fine tobacco and chews scraps. 

He makes fine flour and eats stale bread. 

He makes fine clothing and wears shoddy. 

He makes good cigars and smokes twofers. 

He builds electric light plants and burns oil. 

He makes meerschaum pipes and smokes clay. 

He makes fine frocks and wears cotton ones. 

He makes dress shirts and wears flannel. 

He produces fine beef and eats the soup bone. 

He makes broadcloth pants and wears overalls. 

He makes carriages and pushes a wheelbarrow. 

He makes stovepipe hats and wears cheap derbies. 

And now we suppose we'll be chided for stirring up "class hatred," 
but we submit we are not responsible for the conditions and are 
certainly not to be blamed for attempting to switch things a little. 

197 




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THERE IS PLENTY FOR ALL. 

What, Then, Is the Matter With the World. 

The matter is this: The products of Labor, past, present and 
future, are mortgaged to a score of speculative scoundrels and we 
are paying interest on millions of mortgages. 

We have seen eleven millions of men killed by war. Ruskin 
proves that war is caused by interest, and the only way of collect- 
ing the interest is by more wars — the coil is endless. 

Through the murder of theee millions, eleven millions of our sis- 
ters are robbed of their husbands — those who should have been the 
fathers of their children — and are compelled to lead unnatural or 
vicious lives. 

Never forget, Mr. Worker: As long as interest exists, the tribute 
of your toil, to the tune of untold billions, will go over seas to 
parasites. 

For free literature showing how to get rid of the super-scoundrels 
who make their unhallowed gains by assassinating our brothers and 
sisters, address Humanity First, Xenia, Clay County, Illinois. 



FROM MR. FORD'S PAGE 

[The Ford International Weekly, January 15, 1921.] 

We are on the very threshold of a new age. The time is coming 
when everybody will have to take sides. Even those who thus far 
have never stood for anything in particular will have to stand by 
something in particular. The days of flabby straddling, pretending 
that there are no differences or divisions, belong to the old era, 
and the new era will be ushered in with a new consciousness of 
allegiance. In the last analysis there are only two families on the 
earth, and every subdivision which has been made relates to one 
family or the other. The man who is afraid to line up is not a free 
man. The times are coming when it will not be within his own 
choice; he will be forced by the very pressure of circumstances to 
take his stand by the principles to which he belongs. 



[Christian Science Monitor, Boston, June 18, 1919.] 

. . . The Industrial Workers of the World and the One Big Union 
are the same organization. . . . 

199 



FORD TO DISTRIBUTE HUGE BONUS. 

Detroit, Mich., Dec. 30, 1920.— The shutdown of the Ford Motor 
Company will be but a "vacation with salary" for the employees. 
Checks in the amount of $7,000,000 are being drawn up. Nearly 
70,000 employes will share in the bonus. 



[Upton Sinclair, July, 1918.] 

It is the glaring shame of our political life that we have enforced 
conscription of manhood and not dared even to suggest conscription 
of money. Money is sacred, money is established, money has its 
way. When the government wants money it has to go to Wall 
Street and beg. . . . 

Billions upon billions of profits are being made out of this war; 
fortunes beyond telling and beyond belief are being piled up by the 
insiders of the Coal Trust, the Steel Trust, The Copper Trust, the 
Oil Trust, the Beef Trust, the Powder Trust. While your son and 
my son are dying in the trenches, the owners of these gigantic 
profit machines are making . . . thousands per cent on the invest- 
ments. . . . 

If there is any life left in the radical movement of America, if 
there is any real care for democracy in the hearts of our people, 
they will send to Washington during the next few months an over- 
whelming clamor for the true measure of justice in wartime — con- 
scription of wealth. Let the government take 80 per cent of incomes 
over five thousand dollars, and 100 per cent of incomes over ten 
thousand dollars. Why should any man have more than ten thou- 
sand dollars while other men cannot get the decencies of life? 



Editors of Gale's Magazine, published monthly at Mexico City, 
D. F., Mexico: — Linn A. E. Gale, Magdalena E. Gale, George D. Cole- 
man, Bertuccio Dantino, Sen Katayama, Robert Page Lincoln, Fred- 
erick A. Blossom, Ray Markham, George N. Falconer, Rose Florence 
Freeman, Keikichi Ishimoto, Andrew Millar, Jim Seymour, Robert 
Whitaker, "Punch," Sybil Emerson and Robo de Richey (cartoonist). 



[The Ford International Weekly, Dec. 25, 1920.] 

The United States manufactured $80,000,000 worth of the $100, 
000,000 worth of toys sold in this country. 

201 





TKat's fur us v Bill/' 



[John Haynes Holmes.] 

It is said that the Allies must inteifere in Russia, because the 
Bolsheviki do not represent the Russian people. Who says that they 
-do not represent the Russian people? Is it America, with her 
stranglehold on Costa Rica, San Domingo and Nicaragua? Is it 
France, which has just seized the Saar Valley, with its German pop- 
ulation ? Is it Japan, which saps the life-blood of Korea, and robs 
China of the 40,000,000 in the Shantung Peninsula? Or is it, per- 
haps, England with her 300 years' record of popular government 
in Ireland? What evidence is there that the Bolsheviki do not rep- 
resent the Russians? I will stake my life on the fact that they 
represent more of the Russian people than the czar- and the grand 
dukes ever did — and I have yet to hear that any one of our Western 
democracies ever proposed to compass their overthrow by interven- 
tion! If it is true that the Bolsheviki do not represent the Russian 
people, then there is one thing, and one thing only, to be done — and 
that is, to leave the people alone — to leave them free from outside 
interference. 



[Saturday Evening Post, July 5, 1919.] 
We have in the United States between a third and a half of all 
the wealth of the world. We possess more than a third of all the 
gold; the banks have on deposit more than fifteen billion dollars in 
money; the circulation per capita is $56; our production from the 
ground is about twenty billion dollars annually. 



[Detroit Journal, July 24, 1917.] 
Ford halted in 150 million peace gift, asserts Italy. Rome, July 
24. — America's war declaration intervened to stop a contribution of 
$150,000,000 by Henry Ford to Socialists to secure peace, according 
to the Socialist Deputy Morgari, back from Stockholm today. 

. . . Henry Ford was asked to become Senator . . . and the in- 
terests spent $5,000,000 to beat him. But they did not realize what 
they were up against. . . . 



A MONTANA MINING COMPANY, after making $168,000,000 dur- 
ing the war, cut the men down one dollar a day. Ford, after work- 
ing for the government during the war without profit, raised his 
men one dollar a day. 



An apology is offered to our readers for our inability to secure 
better originals for the illustrations of prominent liberals contained 
herein. Most of the reproductions were made from newspaper cuts. 

203 



THE IDEA 




FELLOW WORKER: 

There's just one idea we want to drive into your braifr 
with this leaflet: the workers are helpless in their struggle 
for existence unless they are organized and ORGANIZED 
THE RIGHT WAY. 

Stop and think that over for a minute ; there's a lot 
more to it than you might imagine — particularly the last 
part of it. 

The Employers Are Organized by Industries, not Trades. 

Anyone with brains will admit that the workers must 
organize, because the bosses are organized in firms, cor- 
porations and employers' associations; but the big thing 
is, for the workers to be sure they organize on the best 
plan, yours for industrial freedom, 
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD. 



CONCENTRATED WEALTH. 

[The New York Times prints the following dispatch from Wash- 
ington, D. C, which requires no comment there] : 

Millionaires are growing as fast as weeds in the United States. 
Already about 20,000 residents of this country have sworn that their 
incomes during 1919 reached $50,000 a year. And a man with an 
income of $50,000 is classed as a "millionaire," inasmuch as that is 
the lowest possible return on $1,000,000. 

However, not all of these "millionaires" are actually the posses- 
sors of $1,000,000. Men with incomes of $50,000 as salaries would 
come in this classification, and many of these have no large sums 
in bank. Some, indeed, live on their salaries and have no invest- 
ments. 

But contrasted with these "millionaires" are 2,000,000 persons 
in the United States whose incomes are $2,000 or less. The Internal 
Revenue Bureau estimates that half of the 4,000,000 individuals who 
have rendered statements come within the $2,000 class. 

There are two men in the country who have incomes above $3,- 
000,000 annually, twenty-eight incomes above $2,000,000 and thirteen 
with incomes of $1,000,000 and ninety possess incomes of more than 
$750,000. 

Officials said today that 16,000 men had incomes of $50,000 to 
$750,000. Among the rich men there are 1,271 in the $50,000 to 
$60,000 income class; 901 in the $60,000 to $70,000 class; 658 who 
have $70,000 to $80,000; 472 who have $80,000 to $90,000; 374 who 
have $90,000 to $100,000; 1,084 who have $100,000 to $150,000; 476 
who have $150,000 to $200,000; 263 who have $200,000 to $250,000; 
131 who have $250,000 to $300,000; 134 who have $300,000 to $400,- 
000; 74 who have $400,000 to $500,000. 

More than 6,000 of the men with incomes of more than $50,000 
live in New York State and about half of these reside in New York 
City. 



THE FORD INTERNATIONAL WEEKLY, Oct. 4, 1919:— The coal 
is in the ground; the government is in power at Washington. The 
rest ought to be easy. 



OTTAWA, ILL.:— Sheriff C. S. Ayers intends to turn the jail here 
into a hotel. He says tie town's hotels can't accommodate the tour- 
ists and there's no need of having a jail. 

205 




This illustration, which was taken 
from the "Cosmopolitan," January, 
1917, gives an idea of the hard 
thinking that Mr. Ford must be 
doing at times in order to devise 
some way to spend this wave of 
wealth which is daily flowing in. 
We are positive that he is doing 
all that he can to place this in- 
come where it will do the most 
good in general to humanity. 



DAILY PLAYING UP OF SHOOTING AND ROBBERIES BLAMED 

[By L. B. Mickel, United Press Staff Correspondent.] 

Lawrence, Kan., Dec. 28. — The war, newspapers and the movies 
were blamed today by Dr. William A. McKeever, extension professor 
of Kansas University, for the wave of juvenile crime sweeping the 
country. 

"The war, dramatized powerfully before the excited minds of the 
young, the destruction of life and property, and our propaganda 
made it seem right for the time being," said McKeever, who is also 
juvenile director for the National Presbyterian Temperance Board. 

"The public press and the motion picture have continued the 
drama, and these two are largely to blame for the wave of juvenile 
banditry which is sweeping the country. They have been playing 
up, with the thrilling effects, practically every crime in the catalogue., 

"I would censor out of the press every report of crime not abso- 
lutely necessary for constructive use, and I would place every motion 
picture house in America in the hands of a morals court or receiver- 
ship for 60 days. With that, the crime wave would drop far below 
pre-war times. 

"The thing which most effectively 'nerves' the youth for his crime 
is the devilish cigarette. I would eliminate that from the earth, "" 
McKeever concluded. 



[Collier's, January 13, 1912.] 

. , . And there is the power of the banker. He must have the 
confidence of the people to get their money. When they have de- 
posited their money with him, it becomes the basis of credit — about 
three dollars of credit to one dollar of money. ... 

The intervention of banking produced the greatest tragedy in the 
history of mercantile man. . . . 

Against $25,000,000 of actual depositors' money, on which it 
pays interest, the bank sells $75,000,000 of credit, on which it re- 
ceives interest. . . . 

Everybody has to trust the bank. . . . 

Bankers bear a lot of watching. . . . 

In 1907 . . . small depositors needing cash could not get their 
own money out. . . . 

Haywood refused an offer of several thousand dollars for deliv- 
ering lectures under - the auspices of his capitalist enemies and 
stayed on a $4.00 job at the I. W. W. headquarters. He is a mam 
who cannot be bought, sold or traded. — (C. B. Ellis.) 

207 



TO WHOM IT "MAY CONCERN 




[Congressional Record, February 9, 1917.] 

In March, 1915, the J. F. Morgan interests, the steel, shipbuilding 
and powder interests, and their subsidiary organizations, got to- 
gether 12 men high up in the newspaper world and employed them 
to select the most influential newspapers in the United States and 
sufficient number of them to control generally the policy of the daily 
press of the United States. 

These 12 men worked the problem out by selecting 179 newspa- 
pers, and then began, by an elimination process, to retain only those 
necessary for the purpose of controlling the general policy of the 
daily press throughout the country. They found it was only neces- 
sary to purchase the control of 25 of the greatest papers. The 25 
papers were agreed upon; emissaries were sent to purchase the 
policy, national and international, of these papers; an agreement 
was reached; the policy of ike papers was bought, to be paid for 
by the month; an editor was furnished for each paper to properly 
supervise and edit information regarding the questions of prepared- 
ness, militarism, financial policies, and other things of national and 
international nature considered vital to the interests of the pur- 
chasers. 

This contract is in existence at the present time, and it accounts 
for the news columns of the daily press of the country being filled 
with all sorts of preparedness arguments and misrepresentations as 
to the present condition of the United States Army and Navy, and 
the possibility and probability of the United States being attacked 
by foreign foes. 

This policy also included the suppression of everything in opposi- 
tion to the wishes of the interests served. The effectiveness of this 
scheme has been conclusively demonstrated by the character of stuff 
carried in the daily press throughout the country since March, 1915. 
They have resorted to anything necessary to commercialize public 
sentiment and sandbag the National Congress into making extrava- 
gant and wasteful appropriations for the Army and Navy under the 
false pretense that it was necessary. Their stock argument is that 
it is "patriotism." They are playing on every prejudice and passion 
of the American people. 



[Michigan Socialist, March 9, 1917.] 
Representative Galloway charged on the floor of the House that 
twenty-five of the leading papers in the United States have been 
"bought and paid for" by Morgan & Co., to create a public senti- 
ment in favor of war. 

209 



THE UNWRITTEN LAW. 

[By Nona T. Zeigler.] 

Unwritten law, insult supreme to fasten on the minds of men! 

The nasty slime of heathen gods brought down to hold us in the dark, 

A phantasy of troubled souls, a beast of lust and lewd desire. 

Go back to hell, you vile black beast! Back to the pit from whence 

you came. 
Relic of days when witches burned and cave-men dragged us by the 

hair; 
Back! Back, I say! You can not rule o'er me. No, I'll choose my 

mate. 
Nor shall you breed me as the dumb brute led forth by man-made 

chains. 
The man for whom my blood runs hot up to the house I've helped 

to build, 
I'll bring and open wide the door, nor all the world nor any power 
Shall ever dare to say me nay, or send a bullet through his brain. 
The babe that lies upon my breast shall always be the child of love 
And not a thing conceived in lust. I claim my body as my own. 
You can not fasten chains on me. Go back to hell, you vile black 

beast, 
For truth and light have set me free. 



[From The National Rip- Saw, Girard, Kansas.] 

GENE DEBS 

By Basil L. Ellis. 

Down in a Georgia prison the superman: 

"He stirreth up the people" — that old crime 

That Christ was crucified for; so the ban 

Of the kept press fell on him; foul with slime, 

Its perjury made all his words seem crime. 

And all the overlords throughout the land 

Cried "Treason! Crucify him!" Oh! the times 

And manners! Still the money-changers all 

Befoul life's temple. Scourges are at hand. 

Do they not see the writing on the wall? 

Behold the man! His cell is Freedom's shrine; 

For Freedom's flame he fed with patient hand. 

His words lashed flesh, or stirred the blood like wine. 

You who chose Barabbas, behold the man! 

211 



STANDARD OIL GRABS RICH WYOMING FIEDS. 

[By Lawrence Todd, in Federated Press.] 

The Standard Oil has annexed the Wyoming oil field, which is 
the most important in the Rocky Mountain region and is second 
only to the Texas field in its possible production. Standard, directly 
and through the Midwest Refining Company and other companies 
which it controls, has a monopoly — 90 per cent — of the crude petro- 
leum produced in Wyoming. So says the Federal Trade Commis- 
sion, in a special report to Congress. 

This report does not deal with the recent handing over of oil 
lands in Wyoming — worth $50,000,000 — by Attorney-General Palmer 
to Standard Oil and Midwest Oil ; That is another story, which 
involves the compromise by Palmer to Standard's advantage of suits 
by the Government- which if won would have saved these priceless 
holdings to the nation. It involves Standard Oil's representative in 
Washington, who was Palmer's roommate in college. But with that 
story the Federal Trade Commission was not officially concerned. 

Complaint made to the commission charged that Standard Oil 
and its subsidiary companies were obstructing fair competition in the 
Wyoming field. The commission reports that "It soon became evi- 
dent that there were monopolistic conditions in the production, pipe- 
line transpoitation, refining, and wholesale marketing of crude petro- 
leum and its products throughout the entire Rocky Mountain section." 



[Appeal to Reason, February 20, 1915.] 
The deposits in the postal savings bank greatly increased the 
past year. They now total about $60,000,000. As it is now, this 
money is turned into private banks for them to use. If the govern- 
ment used it in employing the idle, as it has every right to do, it 
could retain $10,000,000, sufficient to secure the deposits, and have 
$50,000,000 with which to do necessary work and make jobs for work- 
ers. Besides, if it was found that the money was being used in this 
way, the postal deposits would double in a month, and the hard 
times would be at an end. The government can become master of 
the situation and end distress at any moment it wishes. 



INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW, March, 1917:— Ford and 
Suhr are now held within the walls of American bastiles because 
they took risks for the working class. Without these and their kind, 
how far would the working class get? Without this element of 
rebels who give all they have and never count the cost, what would 
the working class be? 

213 



Hoiwri?an la&r 



DECEMBER 27, 1920 

OLIVER & MOHBIS, BilioS 



WHO IS CARRIED? 




*'Does the banker 'carr^' the farmer, as he claims, or does the farmer 
%arry' the banker?'* Congressman John M. Baer asks til pubmifting 
this cartoon. What 4o farmers think about ft* 



ANARCHIST-COMMUNISM EXPLAINED 



In reading various radical papers one 
feature which seems to me rather deplor- 
able and inquisitorial is that while many 
popular misconceptions relative to Social- 
ism and Industrial Unionism are being 
exploded, when Anarchism is concerned, 
even well-intentioned rebels will unwit- 
tingly align themselves with the vile press 
and retainers of wealth to convey the 
most flagrant misrepresentations of a 
theory or conduct of life which is enter- 
tained and promulgated by many class- 
conscious workers the world over, and by 
scores of thinkers and scientists of our 
present day. 

To brand Anarchism as equivalent to 
disorder, chaos and bloodshed ; to accuse 
its adherents of being mere fiends incar- 
nate who disport themselves by devouring 
a pope for breakfast, of sipping the suc- 
culent blue blood of kings and potentates 
for lunch, and gorging themselves over a 
barbecue of bloated capitalists for dinner, 
is to display a sample of gross ignorance 
and prejudice which is inexcusable in our 
age of enlightenment. 

In order to dispel these prevailing mis- 
conceptions, I submit the following ex- 
planation of what Anarchism really is, 
and what place it claims in the science 
of social evolution. 

WHAT IT MEANS. 

Anarchism is the name given to a prin- 
ciple or theory of life and conduct under 
' which society is conceived without gov- 
ernment — harmony in such a society be- 
ing obtained, not by submission to lawT or 
by obedience to any authority, but by 
free agreements concluded between vari- 
ous associations or groups, territorial, in- 
dustrial, professional, for the sake of pro- 
duction and consumption, as also for the 
satisfaction of the infinite variety of 
needs and aspirations of a civilized being. 
In a society developed on these lines, the 
voluntary associations which already are 
beginning to cover all fields of human 
activity would take a still greater ex- 
tension so as to substitute themselves for 
the state in all its functions. They would 
represent an interwoven network, com- 



posed of an infinite variety of groups 
and federations of all sizes and degrees, 
local, regional, national and international 
— temporary or more or less permanent — 
for all possible purposes : production, con- 
sumption and exchange, communications, 
sanitary arrangements, education, mutual 
protection, defense of territory,- and so 
on ; and on the other hand, for the sat- 
isfaction of an ever-increasing number of 
scientific, artistic, literary, and sociable 
needs. Moreover, such a society would 
represent nothing immutable. On the 
contrary — as is seen in organic life at 
large — harmony would result from an 
ever-changing adjustment and readjust- 
ment of equilibrium between the multi- 
tude of forces and influences, and thus 
adjustment would be easier to obtain, as 
none of the forces would enjoy a special 
protection from the state. 

DEVELOPMENT OF MAN. 

If society were organized on these prin- 
ciples man would not be limited in the 
free exercise of his will by a fear of 
punishment, or by obedience towards in- 
dividuals or metaphysical entities, which 
both lead to depression of initiative and 
servility of mind. He would be guided 
in his actions by his own understanding, 
which necessarily would bear the impres- 
sion of a free action and reaction be- 
tween his own self and ethical concep- 
tions of his surroundings. Man would 
thus be enabled to obtain a full develop- 
ment of all his faculties, intellectual, ar- 
tistic and moral, without being hampered 
by overwork for the monopolists, or by 
the servility and inertia of mind of the 
great number. He would thus be able 
to reach full individualization, which is 
not possible either under the present sys- 
tem of individualism or under any sys- 
tem of state rule. 

ANARCHISM NOT UTOPIA. 

The Anarchists consider, moreover, 
that their conception is not a Utopia. It 
is derived from an analysis of tendencies 
that are at work already, even though 
other political systems may find tempo- 



215 




ALEXANDER BERKMAN 



WM. SHORT 




DR. PAINLESS PARKER 
At the head of the Largest Dental Institu- 
tion of the World. 




OLIVER ERICKSON 



rary favor with the reformers. The 
progress of modern technics, which won- 
derfully simplifies production of all the 
necessities of life ; the growing spirit of 
independence of the workers, and the 
rapid spread of free initiative and free 
understanding in all branches of human 
activity — including those which formerly 
were considered as the proper attribute 
of church and state — are already rein- 
forcing the no-government tendency. 

ECONOMIC PHASE OF ANARCHISM. 

As to their economic conceptions, the 
Anarchists, in common with all Social- 
ists and I. W. W.s, of whom they con- 
stitute the left wing, maintain that the 
now prevailing system of private owner- 
ship in land, and our capitalistic produc- 
tion for the sake of profits, represent a 
monopoly which runs against both the 
principles of equality and the dictates of 
utility. They are the main obstacles 
Which prevent the success of modern 
technics from being brought into the 
service of all, so as to produce general 
well-being. The Anarchists consider thi 
wage system and capitalist production al- 
together as an obstacle to progress. But 
they point out also that the state was, 
and continues to be, the chief instrument 
for permitting the few to monopolize the 
land, and the capitalists to appropriate 
for themselves a quite disproportionate 
share of the . accumulated surplus of pro- 
duction. Consequently, while combating 
private ownership in general, they com- 
bat with the same energy the state as 
the main support of that system, not this 
or that special form, but the state alto- 
gether, whether it be a monarchy or even 
a republic governed by means of refer- 
endum. 

THE STATE AND ITS FUNCTIONS. 

The state organization, having always 
been, both in ancient and modern history, 
the instrument for establishing monopo- 
lies in favor of ruling minorities, cannot 



be made to work for the destruction of 
these monopolies. The Anarchists con- 
sider, therefore, that to hand over to the 
state all the main sources of economic 
life and the management of all the main 
branches of industry, in addition to all 
the functions already accumulated in its 
hands, would mean to create a new in- 
strument of tyranny. State capitalism 
would only increase the powers of bu- 
reaucracy and capitalism. True progress 
lies in the direction of decentralization, 
both territorial and functional, in the de- 
velopment of the spirit of local and per- 
sonal initiative, and of free federation 
from simple to compound, instead of the 
present rule from above applied to those 
below. 

In common with most Socialists and 
I. W. W.s, the Anarchists recognize that, 
like all evolution in nature, the slow evo- 
lution of society is followed from time to 
time by periods of accelerated evolution 
which are called revolutions, and they 
think that the era of revolutions has only 
begun. Periods of rapid changes will 
follow the periods of slow evolution, and 
these periods must be taken advantage of 
— not for increasing and widening the 
powers of the state, but for reducing 
them through the organization of a class- 
conscious working class. 

ANARCHIST TACTICS. 

In virtue of the above principles the 
Anarchists refuse to be a party to the 
present state organization and to support 
it by infusing fresh blood into it. They 
do not seek to constitute political parties. 
Accordingly, since the foundation of the 
International Workingmen's Association 
in 1864 they have endeavored to promote 
their ideas directly among the working 
class and induce it to a direct struggle 
against capital and its institutions with- 
out placing faith in legislative means. 
— [Iride Dumont, in "The Industrial 
Worker.] 



THE BUEEAU OF INFORMATION recommends to its readers the 
book "New Era Economics," presenting a rational theory of values, by 
John Frederick Brown, B. S., 529 East New York Street, Indianapolis, 
Ind., selling for 50c paper bound, $1.00 cloth bound. 



217 



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What : 
Happened 
In Centralis? 

The newspapers said that 
unoffending paraders were 
killed without provocation or 
excuse by ambushed I. W. 
W.s. 

DO YOU BELIEVE IT? 
Papers telling the truth 
about the tragedy were shut 
down or denied the use of 
the mails. Only the Lumber 
Trust version was permitted 
to reach the public. 

DO YOU WANT TO HEAR 
THE OTHER SIDE? 

Every effort was made to 
spread broadcast the lie and 
suppress the truth. 

ARE YOU WILLING TO 
HEAR THE TRUTH- 
EVEN IF IT HURTS? 

"The Centralia" Conspiracy," 

by Ralph Chaplin, 80 pages ; 
44 half-tones of actual 
scenes. Price 50 cents. Get 
a copy at "any progressive 
bookstore, or order by mail 
from the following places : 
The Liberator, 138 W. 13th 
St., New York, N. Y. ; Geo. 
Williams, Box 1873; Seattle, 
Wash. ; Geo. Hardy, 1001 W. 
Madison St., Chicago, 111. 



HAVE YOU READ "A FAIR LABOR TRIAL?" 

A record of the prejudice and passion that dominated the legal profession and the 
press in the famous Centralia Labor Case, tried at Montesano, Washington, January 
26 to March 15, 1920.— By Frank Walkin, of the Seattle Union Record. Price 10 cents. 
Send orders to George Hardy, 1001 W. Madison St., Chicago, 111. 



[Taken from a Wall Street Paper.] 

The United States has only 6 per cent of the world's population, 
yet we produce as follows: Twenty-five per cent of the world's sup- 
ply of wheat, 40 per cent of the* world's supply of iron and steel, 
52 per cent of the world's supply of coal, 75 per cent of the world's 
supply of corn, 85 per cent of the world's supply of automobiles, 
60 per cent of the world's supply of cotton, 66 per cent of the world's 
supply of oil. We also refine 80 per cent of the world's supply of 
copper and operate 40 per cent of the world's railroads. 

Five men control nearly 70 per cent of the interstate business 
in the principal lines of the meat-packing industry. 



218 



THE TRUTH ABOUT THE I.W.W. 

By HAROLD CALLENDER 




THIS GROUP OF WELL-KNOWN WESTERN I.W.W. MEN WERE BROUGHT 
TO CHICAGO HAND-CUFFED AND LEG-IRONED. 

Ba;k Row — J P. Thompson, George Hardy, John Foss, Walter Smith. 
Front Row — J. A. McDonald, Harry Lloyd, T. J. Doran. 

According- to the newspapers, the I. W. W. is engaged in treason 
and terrorism. The organization is supposed to have caused every 
forest fire in the West — where, by the way, there have been fewer 
forest fires this reason than ever before. Driving spikes in lumber 
before it is sent to the sawmill, pinching the fruit in orchards so that 
it will spoil, crippling the copper, lumber and shipbuilding industries 
out of spite against the government, are commonly repeated charges 
against them. It is supposed to be for this reason that the states 
are being urged to pass stringent laws making their activities and 
propaganda impossible. 

[EDITOR'S NOTE : Harold Callender investigated the Bisbee deportations for 
the National Labor Defense Council. He did it in so judicial and poised and truth- 
telling a manner that we engaged him to go and find out for us the truth about the 
I. W. W., and all the other things that are called "I. W. W."— The Masses.] 

219 




G. BERNARD SHAW 



ZINOVIEFF 




JPP :: 



BEN REITMAN 



LOUISE MICHEL 








CO-OPERATIVE EFFORT WILL BRING RESULTS. 
Ths One Big Union Monthly, January, 1921. 




BOB BRIDGES 



JUDGE J. T. RONALD 




mk j0t*\ 4^ 'T% 




JOHN PANCNER 




WffiPPI 




lit 



CAUSE OF POVERTY. 

The masses are poor, ignorant and disorganized, not knowing the 
rights of mankind on the earth, and never knowing that the world 
belongs to its living population, because a small class in every coun- 
try has taken possession of property and government, and makes 
laws for its own safety and the security of its plunder, educating 
the masses, generation after generation, into the belief that this 
condition is the natural order and the law of God. 

By long training and submission the people everywhere have 
come to regard the assumption of their rulers and owners as the 
law of right and common sense, and their own blind instincts, which 
tell them that all men ought to have a plenteous living on this rich 
earth, as the promptings of evil and disorder. 

The qualities we naturally dislike and fear in a man are those 
which insure success under our present social order, namely, shrewd- 
ness, hardness, adroitness, selfishness, the mind to take advantage 
of necessity, the will to trample on the weak in the canting name of 
progress and civilization. 

The qualities we love in a man send him to the poor-house — 
generosity, truth, truthfulness, friendliness, unselfishness, the desire 
to help, the mind to refuse profit from a neighbor's loss or weakness, 
the defense of the weak. 

Our present civilization is organized injustice and intellectual bar- 
barism. Our progress is a march to a precipice. — (John Boyle 
O'Reilly, in The Printing Worker, Seattle.) 



NO VIOLENCE IS DOCTRINE. 

Violence is a confession of weakness; that is why industrial un- 
ionists do not believe in force and why direct action does not involve 
violence. The reason why the I. W. W. advocates direct action is 
primarily due to the inability of righting any wrongs through politi- 
cal action; and secondly, by keeping politics out of the union they 
are preventirig disruption among the members. We do not prohibit 
any member from voting. Direct action on the job does not imply 
violence in any sense. It means that when workers have a grievance 
they appoint a committee to deal directly with the boss, without 
enlisting the services of federal, state, county or city authorities 
who cannot have any sympathy with the aspirations of labor. — 
(Ralph S. Pierce.) 

Labor has only one way to get jobs and that is to own the job. 
The class stiuggle is more acute every day and the capitalists are 
organized in one big union, while the working forces are still di- 
vided. — (John Foss.) 

— From speeches made at Crystal Pool, Seattle. 

223 



INDEX 



Page 

Abe Lincoln's Philosophy 26 

Advertising Psychology, F. Bonville 131 

Another Lie Nailed, Lynn Gale 133 

An Article by Lenin 185 

Anarchist-Communism Explained, by 

Iride Dumont 215 

British Cruelties Ill 

Chinese and Japanese Question, by 

Wm. Anderson 115 

Capitalism, Henry Ford 23 

Centralia Conspiracy, R. Chaplin 218 

Concentrated Wealth 205 

Crime of Poverty, Henry George 125 

Crime and Punishment, Darrow 135 

Darrow's Defense of Communists 89 

Dr. Bickford's Testimony 113 

Explanation, by Frank Bonville 2 

Extracts from Congressional 

Record 209 

Ford's Position on War _ 11 

First Americans Were Bolshevists, by 

Lynn A. E. Gale 117 

Ford's Start in Lifa 7 

Ford on the Causes of War 15 

Ford and His Peace Ship, by Frank 

Bonville 107 

Gene Debs, by Basil L. Ellis 211 

History of the I. W. W., in The Melt- 
ing Pot - 155 

Introduction, by Frank Bonville 3 

[ngersoll on 'Liberty 191 

Justice for the Colored Race 165 

Lecture, by Robert Ingersoll 149 



Page 

List of I. W. W. Indicted _ 97 

Lenin, by Frank Harris 181 

Mexican Manifesto _ — 21 

Money Lenders, W. H. C. Harvey 175 

Negroes a Changed People 179 

Practical Solution, Frank Bonville 19 

Profiteers, Dr. Shipman 162 

Radicalism, by L. W. Buck- 139 

Recompense, by Dantino 95 

Religion, from The Crucible 143 

Soviet System „ 138, 140 

Standard Oil Plunder _ „ 213 

Soviet Bear Growls, by Voltaire II 123 

Sayings by Well-Known Men 27 

Sayings by Henry Ford 71 

Think ! by Friends of Peace 129 

Thought, by Bertrand Russell 20 

Tom Paine, by Frank Harris 147 

War and Respectability 137 

To the Working Class, Bureau of 
Information 8 1 

Two Classes in Society, Jas. Fisher 83 

The Workingman _...._ 197 

To District Attention, Gale's 119 

To Eugene V. Debs, Voltaire II 125 

Unwarranted Optimism, by Flavio 
Venanzi _ 193 

Unwritten Law, by Nona Ziegler 211 

War Profits, by C. G. Miller 17 

Where, Oh Where Can the Public 
Be? by Harston Peters 127 

Who Is Paying the Interest, by Scott 
Nearing _ _ _ 139 



224 



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INGERSOLL'S VISION OF 
THE FUTURE 



[The Crucible, Dec. 14, 1919.] 

"A vision of the future arises. I see a world 
where thrones have crumbled and where kings are 
dust. The aristocracy of idleness has perished from 
the earth. I see a world without a slave. Man at 
last is free. Nature's forces have by science been 
enslaved. Lightning and light, wind and wave, frost 
and flame, and all the secret subtle powers of the 
earth and air are tireless toilers for the human 
race. I see a world at peace, adorned with every 
form of art, with music's myriad voices thrilled, 
while lips are rich with words of love and truth; 
a world in which no exile sighs, no prisoner mourns; 
a world where labor reaps its full reward, where 
work and worth go hand in hand, where the poor 
girl, trying to win bread with a needle — the needle 
that has been called "the asp for the breast of the 
poor" — is not driven to the desperate choice of crime 
or death, of suicide or shame. I see a world with- 
out the beggar's outstretched palm, the miser's 
heartless, stony stare, the piteous wail of want, the 
livid lips of lies, the cruel eyes of scorn. I see a 
race without disease of flesh or brain — shapely and 
fair, married harmony of form and function, and as 
I look, life strengthens, joy deepens, love canopies 
the earth; and over all in the great dome shines the 
eternal star of human hope." 



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A CAPITALIST CONFESSES 



[By Rudolph Spreckels, Millionaire President of the 
First National Bank of California.] 

Congress is continually asked to protect capital 
and its methods of high finance. Protection and 
opportunity to continue earnings upon their water 
securities while human beings starve are demanded 
by men who know not hunger or want. Let not the 
spark of human kindness die in America. We must 
not tolerate a continuation of commercial greed and 
the placing of dollars above human rights and needs. 

Europe is demonstrating today the inevitable 
result which the policy of commercial greed leads 
to. The toll in money and in human life now being 
paid at the altar of governmental submission to the 
demands of capitalism should be a warning that no 
intelligent American can afford to ignore. 

My writings may shock the members of my so- 
called class, but my belief in them is still sufficiently 
strong to warrant me in hoping that if they will but 
take a step outside the blinding influences of their 
selfish environment, a new light will dawn upon them, 
and then there will be hope that the United States of 
America may go forward and for ever live in accord 
with the intention, purpose and mandate of this 
nation's founders. 

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